強(qiáng)迫TikTok的母公司出售該視頻分享平臺(tái),否則將面臨在美國被封禁的法案,在周三由美國總統(tǒng)喬·拜登正式簽署通過。但這項(xiàng)新法律可能在法院經(jīng)歷漫長的法律斗爭(zhēng)。
對(duì)于美國政府威脅TikTok要么出售要么面臨封禁的最后通牒,批評(píng)者們認(rèn)為這侵犯了美國憲法第一修正案賦予TikTok用戶的權(quán)利。這款應(yīng)用的中國所有者字節(jié)跳動(dòng)(ByteDance)已經(jīng)堅(jiān)決表示要提起訴訟,指控這種行為違憲。
但在法院的挑戰(zhàn)能否成功是個(gè)未知數(shù)。這項(xiàng)法律的反對(duì)者,包括美國公民自由聯(lián)盟(American Civil Liberties Union)等倡導(dǎo)組織,認(rèn)為政府根本無法證明封禁TikTok的正當(dāng)性,而其他人則認(rèn)為國家安全的說法可能依舊會(huì)占據(jù)上風(fēng)。
多年來,兩黨議員都擔(dān)心,中國當(dāng)局可能迫使字節(jié)跳動(dòng)交出美國用戶的數(shù)據(jù),或通過在TikTok上壓制或推廣某些內(nèi)容來影響美國人。美國尚未提供公開證據(jù)來支持這些說法,但一些法律專家指出,政治壓力越來越大。
法律專家還強(qiáng)調(diào),如果這項(xiàng)法律得到法院支持,它可能會(huì)樹立一個(gè)先例,將對(duì)美國的數(shù)字媒體產(chǎn)生更廣泛的影響。
以下是關(guān)于此事我們需要知道的一些信息。
封禁TikTok是否違憲?
這是核心問題。TikTok和該項(xiàng)法律的反對(duì)者認(rèn)為,封禁該社交媒體平臺(tái)將侵犯美國憲法第一修正案賦予其1.7億美國用戶的權(quán)利。
美國公民自由聯(lián)盟國家安全項(xiàng)目副主任帕特里克·圖米表示,封禁TikTok將“扼殺言論自由并限制公眾訪問”一個(gè)已成為信息共享中心來源的平臺(tái)。
美國東北大學(xué)(Northeastern University)法學(xué)與計(jì)算機(jī)科學(xué)助理教授埃萊特拉·比耶蒂指出,關(guān)鍵問題之一是這項(xiàng)立法是否干預(yù)了TikTok上的整體言論內(nèi)容,因?yàn)榛趦?nèi)容的限制需要接受更高層次的審查。
截至周三晚些時(shí)候,字節(jié)跳動(dòng)尚未正式提起訴訟,但比耶蒂表示,她預(yù)計(jì)該公司的訴訟將主要集中在封禁是否侵犯了這些更廣泛的言論自由權(quán)利這個(gè)方面。她補(bǔ)充說,TikTok上的“商業(yè)行為者”——例如在該平臺(tái)上謀生的商戶和網(wǎng)紅等——也可能提出其他訴訟。
TikTok能否成功在法庭上阻止封禁?
TikTok表示對(duì)計(jì)劃提起的訴訟充滿信心。
TikTok首席執(zhí)行官周受資在周三發(fā)布的一段視頻回應(yīng)中表示:“請(qǐng)放心,我們不會(huì)消失。事實(shí)和憲法都站在我們這一邊,我們必將再次取得勝利。”
圖米也表示,他對(duì)TikTok在法院阻止這項(xiàng)法案的可能性感到樂觀,他指出用戶和公司根據(jù)第一修正案“都有非常強(qiáng)大的”主張。
圖米表示:“在美國,許多人呼吁徹底封禁TikTok,都是為了牟取政治利益和煽動(dòng)反華情緒。迄今為止,這些封禁TikTok的舉措根本沒有確鑿的公開證據(jù)支持。”
然而,任何訴訟的未來都很難預(yù)測(cè),特別是對(duì)于此類案件。從法律角度來看,法律專家表示,即使政治動(dòng)機(jī)有據(jù)可查,也很難將其作為廢除一項(xiàng)法律的理由。
賓夕法尼亞大學(xué)(University of Pennsylvania)凱里法學(xué)院高級(jí)研究員格斯·赫維茨表示,這場(chǎng)法律斗爭(zhēng)可能會(huì)持續(xù)很長時(shí)間,有可能會(huì)一直上訴到最高法院,而由于目前最高法院的構(gòu)成,它很可能會(huì)支持這項(xiàng)法律。
政府可能會(huì)如何應(yīng)對(duì)訴訟?
TikTok的訴訟不可能一帆風(fēng)順。政府可能會(huì)以國家安全為由做出回應(yīng),這一點(diǎn)在國會(huì)通過這項(xiàng)立法的過程中已經(jīng)被作為主要理由。
圖米堅(jiān)稱政府未能達(dá)到證明即將出現(xiàn)國家安全風(fēng)險(xiǎn)所需的高標(biāo)準(zhǔn),但其他法律專家指出這張牌依舊很有殺傷力。
赫維茨表示:“關(guān)于國家安全立法,一個(gè)不幸和令人極其沮喪的事實(shí)是,國家安全這張牌無往不利。一旦涉及國家安全問題,它就會(huì)成為決定成功與否的關(guān)鍵。”
赫維茨補(bǔ)充道,他認(rèn)為關(guān)于該項(xiàng)法案,政府可以提出合理的國家安全主張。他表示,由于該項(xiàng)立法屬于聯(lián)邦措施,因此可以以國家安全作為理由。這與之前未能成功的那些試圖封禁TikTok的州級(jí)立法不同,例如蒙大拿州。
但國家安全主張也容易受到質(zhì)疑,即為什么TikTok會(huì)遭到特別審查。
比耶蒂指出:“就個(gè)人而言,我認(rèn)為TikTok的做法與其他美國公司沒有區(qū)別。問題是,‘為什么只封禁TikTok,卻對(duì)其他公司在美國的活動(dòng)和監(jiān)視視而不見?’”她提到了谷歌(Google)、亞馬遜(Amazon)等科技巨頭。
如果該項(xiàng)法律得到法院支持,它是否會(huì)產(chǎn)生更廣泛的影響?
法律專家們指出,該項(xiàng)法律可能對(duì)TikTok以外的領(lǐng)域產(chǎn)生影響。
該項(xiàng)立法被塞在一個(gè)950億美元援助烏克蘭和以色列的一攬子法案中獲得通過。這一攬子法案中還包括一項(xiàng)規(guī)定,即禁止數(shù)據(jù)經(jīng)紀(jì)商向朝鮮、中國、俄羅斯、伊朗或這些國家的實(shí)體出售或租賃“個(gè)人身份敏感數(shù)據(jù)”。
這條規(guī)定引起了一些人的反對(duì),美國公民自由聯(lián)盟表示,這條規(guī)定的措辭過于寬泛,可能會(huì)波及發(fā)布個(gè)人信息的記者和其他人。
圖米表示:“我們有充分的理由擔(dān)心這項(xiàng)法律不僅會(huì)被用于打擊TikTok。從這個(gè)方面和更大的角度來看,無論是封禁還是強(qiáng)制出售TikTok,都將對(duì)美國政府?dāng)?shù)十年來推廣開放和安全全球互聯(lián)網(wǎng)的工作,造成毀滅性的打擊。”(財(cái)富中文網(wǎng))
翻譯:劉進(jìn)龍
審校:汪皓
2024年4月24日,美國總統(tǒng)喬·拜登正式簽署法案,強(qiáng)迫字節(jié)跳動(dòng)出售TikTok,否則將在美國封禁這一視頻分享網(wǎng)站。MICHAEL DWYER—AP
強(qiáng)迫TikTok的母公司出售該視頻分享平臺(tái),否則將面臨在美國被封禁的法案,在周三由美國總統(tǒng)喬·拜登正式簽署通過。但這項(xiàng)新法律可能在法院經(jīng)歷漫長的法律斗爭(zhēng)。
對(duì)于美國政府威脅TikTok要么出售要么面臨封禁的最后通牒,批評(píng)者們認(rèn)為這侵犯了美國憲法第一修正案賦予TikTok用戶的權(quán)利。這款應(yīng)用的中國所有者字節(jié)跳動(dòng)(ByteDance)已經(jīng)堅(jiān)決表示要提起訴訟,指控這種行為違憲。
但在法院的挑戰(zhàn)能否成功是個(gè)未知數(shù)。這項(xiàng)法律的反對(duì)者,包括美國公民自由聯(lián)盟(American Civil Liberties Union)等倡導(dǎo)組織,認(rèn)為政府根本無法證明封禁TikTok的正當(dāng)性,而其他人則認(rèn)為國家安全的說法可能依舊會(huì)占據(jù)上風(fēng)。
多年來,兩黨議員都擔(dān)心,中國當(dāng)局可能迫使字節(jié)跳動(dòng)交出美國用戶的數(shù)據(jù),或通過在TikTok上壓制或推廣某些內(nèi)容來影響美國人。美國尚未提供公開證據(jù)來支持這些說法,但一些法律專家指出,政治壓力越來越大。
法律專家還強(qiáng)調(diào),如果這項(xiàng)法律得到法院支持,它可能會(huì)樹立一個(gè)先例,將對(duì)美國的數(shù)字媒體產(chǎn)生更廣泛的影響。
以下是關(guān)于此事我們需要知道的一些信息。
封禁TikTok是否違憲?
這是核心問題。TikTok和該項(xiàng)法律的反對(duì)者認(rèn)為,封禁該社交媒體平臺(tái)將侵犯美國憲法第一修正案賦予其1.7億美國用戶的權(quán)利。
美國公民自由聯(lián)盟國家安全項(xiàng)目副主任帕特里克·圖米表示,封禁TikTok將“扼殺言論自由并限制公眾訪問”一個(gè)已成為信息共享中心來源的平臺(tái)。
美國東北大學(xué)(Northeastern University)法學(xué)與計(jì)算機(jī)科學(xué)助理教授埃萊特拉·比耶蒂指出,關(guān)鍵問題之一是這項(xiàng)立法是否干預(yù)了TikTok上的整體言論內(nèi)容,因?yàn)榛趦?nèi)容的限制需要接受更高層次的審查。
截至周三晚些時(shí)候,字節(jié)跳動(dòng)尚未正式提起訴訟,但比耶蒂表示,她預(yù)計(jì)該公司的訴訟將主要集中在封禁是否侵犯了這些更廣泛的言論自由權(quán)利這個(gè)方面。她補(bǔ)充說,TikTok上的“商業(yè)行為者”——例如在該平臺(tái)上謀生的商戶和網(wǎng)紅等——也可能提出其他訴訟。
TikTok能否成功在法庭上阻止封禁?
TikTok表示對(duì)計(jì)劃提起的訴訟充滿信心。
TikTok首席執(zhí)行官周受資在周三發(fā)布的一段視頻回應(yīng)中表示:“請(qǐng)放心,我們不會(huì)消失。事實(shí)和憲法都站在我們這一邊,我們必將再次取得勝利。”
圖米也表示,他對(duì)TikTok在法院阻止這項(xiàng)法案的可能性感到樂觀,他指出用戶和公司根據(jù)第一修正案“都有非常強(qiáng)大的”主張。
圖米表示:“在美國,許多人呼吁徹底封禁TikTok,都是為了牟取政治利益和煽動(dòng)反華情緒。迄今為止,這些封禁TikTok的舉措根本沒有確鑿的公開證據(jù)支持。”
然而,任何訴訟的未來都很難預(yù)測(cè),特別是對(duì)于此類案件。從法律角度來看,法律專家表示,即使政治動(dòng)機(jī)有據(jù)可查,也很難將其作為廢除一項(xiàng)法律的理由。
賓夕法尼亞大學(xué)(University of Pennsylvania)凱里法學(xué)院高級(jí)研究員格斯·赫維茨表示,這場(chǎng)法律斗爭(zhēng)可能會(huì)持續(xù)很長時(shí)間,有可能會(huì)一直上訴到最高法院,而由于目前最高法院的構(gòu)成,它很可能會(huì)支持這項(xiàng)法律。
政府可能會(huì)如何應(yīng)對(duì)訴訟?
TikTok的訴訟不可能一帆風(fēng)順。政府可能會(huì)以國家安全為由做出回應(yīng),這一點(diǎn)在國會(huì)通過這項(xiàng)立法的過程中已經(jīng)被作為主要理由。
圖米堅(jiān)稱政府未能達(dá)到證明即將出現(xiàn)國家安全風(fēng)險(xiǎn)所需的高標(biāo)準(zhǔn),但其他法律專家指出這張牌依舊很有殺傷力。
赫維茨表示:“關(guān)于國家安全立法,一個(gè)不幸和令人極其沮喪的事實(shí)是,國家安全這張牌無往不利。一旦涉及國家安全問題,它就會(huì)成為決定成功與否的關(guān)鍵。”
赫維茨補(bǔ)充道,他認(rèn)為關(guān)于該項(xiàng)法案,政府可以提出合理的國家安全主張。他表示,由于該項(xiàng)立法屬于聯(lián)邦措施,因此可以以國家安全作為理由。這與之前未能成功的那些試圖封禁TikTok的州級(jí)立法不同,例如蒙大拿州。
但國家安全主張也容易受到質(zhì)疑,即為什么TikTok會(huì)遭到特別審查。
比耶蒂指出:“就個(gè)人而言,我認(rèn)為TikTok的做法與其他美國公司沒有區(qū)別。問題是,‘為什么只封禁TikTok,卻對(duì)其他公司在美國的活動(dòng)和監(jiān)視視而不見?’”她提到了谷歌(Google)、亞馬遜(Amazon)等科技巨頭。
如果該項(xiàng)法律得到法院支持,它是否會(huì)產(chǎn)生更廣泛的影響?
法律專家們指出,該項(xiàng)法律可能對(duì)TikTok以外的領(lǐng)域產(chǎn)生影響。
該項(xiàng)立法被塞在一個(gè)950億美元援助烏克蘭和以色列的一攬子法案中獲得通過。這一攬子法案中還包括一項(xiàng)規(guī)定,即禁止數(shù)據(jù)經(jīng)紀(jì)商向朝鮮、中國、俄羅斯、伊朗或這些國家的實(shí)體出售或租賃“個(gè)人身份敏感數(shù)據(jù)”。
這條規(guī)定引起了一些人的反對(duì),美國公民自由聯(lián)盟表示,這條規(guī)定的措辭過于寬泛,可能會(huì)波及發(fā)布個(gè)人信息的記者和其他人。
圖米表示:“我們有充分的理由擔(dān)心這項(xiàng)法律不僅會(huì)被用于打擊TikTok。從這個(gè)方面和更大的角度來看,無論是封禁還是強(qiáng)制出售TikTok,都將對(duì)美國政府?dāng)?shù)十年來推廣開放和安全全球互聯(lián)網(wǎng)的工作,造成毀滅性的打擊。”(財(cái)富中文網(wǎng))
翻譯:劉進(jìn)龍
審校:汪皓
Legislation forcing TikTok’s parent company to sell the video-sharing platform or face a ban in the U.S. received President Joe Biden’s official signoff Wednesday. But the newly minted law could be in for an uphill battle in court.
Critics of the sell-or-be-banned ultimatum argue it violates TikTok users’ First Amendment rights. The app’s China-based owner, ByteDance, has already promised to sue, calling the measure unconstitutional.
But a court challenge’s success is not is not guaranteed. The law’s opponents, which include advocacy organizations like the American Civil Liberties Union, maintain that the government hasn’t come close to justifying banning TikTok, while others say national-security claims could still prevail.
For years, lawmakers on both sides of the aisle have expressed concerns that Chinese authorities could force ByteDance to hand over U.S. user data, or influence Americans by suppressing or promoting certain content on TikTok. The U.S. has yet to provide public evidence to support those claims, but some legal experts note that political pressures have piled up regardless.
If upheld, legal experts also stress that the law could set a precedent carrying wider ramifications for digital media in the U.S.
Here’s what you need to know.
Is a TikTok ban unconstitutional?
That’s the central question. TikTok and opponents of the law have argued that a ban would violate First Amendment rights of the social media platform’s 170 million U.S. users.
Patrick Toomey, deputy director of the ACLU’s National Security Project, said a TikTok ban would “stifle free expression and restrict public access” to a platform that has become central source for information sharing.
Among key questions will be whether the legislation interferes with the overall content of speech on TikTok, notes Elettra Bietti, an assistant professor of law and computer science at Northeastern University, because content-based restrictions meet a higher level of scrutiny.
ByteDance had yet to officially file a lawsuit by late Wednesday, but Bietti said she expects the company’s challenge to primarily focus on whether a ban infringes on these wider free-speech rights. Additional litigation involving TikTok’s “commercial actors,” such as businesses and influencers who make their living on the platform, may also arise, she added.
Could TikTok successfully prevent the ban in court?
TikTok is expressing confidence about the prospects of its planned challenge.
“Rest assured, we aren’t going anywhere,” TikTok CEO Shou Chew said in a video response posted to X Wednesday. “The facts and the Constitution are on our side, and we expect to prevail again.”
Toomey also said that he is optimistic about the possibility of TikTok being able to block the measure in court, noting that both users and the company “have extremely strong” First Amendment claims.
“Many of the calls to completely ban TikTok in the U.S. are about scoring political points and rooted in anti-China sentiment,” Toomey added. “And to date, these steps to ban TikTok had not been remotely supported by concrete public evidence.”
Still, the future of any litigation is hard to predict, especially for this kind of case. And from a legal perspective, legal experts say it can be difficult to cite political motivations, even if they’re well-documented, as grounds to invalidate a law.
The battle could also string along for some time, with the potential for appeals that could go all the way to the Supreme Court, which would likely uphold the law due to its current composition, said Gus Hurwitz, a senior fellow at the University of Pennsylvania’s Carey Law School.
How might the government respond to the challenge?
TikTok’s legal challenge won’t go on without a fight. The government will probably respond with national-security claims, which were already cited prominently as the legislation made its way through Congress.
Toomey maintains that the government hasn’t met the high bar required to prove imminent national-security risks, but some other legal experts note that it’s still a strong card to play.
“One of the unfortunate and really frustrating things about national-security legislation (is that) it tends to be a trump card,” Hurwitz said. “Once national-security issues come up, they’re going to carry the day either successfully or not.”
Hurwitz added that he thinks there are legitimate national-security arguments that could be brought up here. National security can be argued because it’s a federal measure, he added. That sets this scenario apart from previously unsuccessful state-level legislation seeking to ban TikTok, such as in Montana.
But national-security arguments are also vulnerable to questioning as to why TikTok is getting specific scrutiny.
“Personally, I believe that what TikTok does isn’t that different from other companies that are U.S.-based,” Bietti said, pointing to tech giants ranging from Google to Amazon. “The question is, ‘Why ban TikTok and not the activities and the surveillance carried out by other companies in the United States?’”
If the law is upheld, could there be wider ramifications?
Still, legal experts note that there could be repercussions beyond TikTok in the future.
The measure was passed as part of a larger $95 billion package that provides aid to Ukraine and Israel. The package also includes a provision that makes it illegal for data brokers to sell or rent “personally identifiable sensitive data” to North Korea, China, Russia, Iran or entities in those countries.
That has encountered some pushback, including from the ACLU, which says the language is written too broadly and could sweep in journalists and others who publish personal information.
“There’s real reason to be concerned that the use of this law will not stop with TikTok,” Toomey said. “Looking at that point and the bigger picture, banning TikTok or forcing its sale would be a devastating blow to the U.S. government’s decades of work promoting an open and secure global internet.”