民意調查結果很清楚:喬·拜登與總統(tǒng)職位的蜜月期結束了。根據(jù)FiveThirtyEight的數(shù)據(jù),截至11月24日,拜登的總體支持率僅為42.9%,低于他1月份入主白宮時的53%。在二戰(zhàn)后的總統(tǒng)中,只有唐納德·特朗普在其總統(tǒng)任期的這個時候的支持率比他低(38.4%)。
但對民主黨人來說,比表面數(shù)字讓他們感到憂慮的的是州一級數(shù)據(jù)。Morning Consult利用10月份進行的民意調查,計算了美國各州登記選民對拜登的支持率。他們發(fā)現(xiàn),拜登目前在32個州處于“水下”(即不支持率大于支持率)狀態(tài)。在其他18個州,他的凈支持率都是正面的,但這些州無論以何種方式衡量都是非常“藍”的州。
如果你聚焦在搖擺州,情況對白宮來說就更糟糕了:在《財富》雜志在2020年認定的11個搖擺州中,拜登在每個州的支持率都低于預期。其中,他在愛荷華州(-11個百分點)、俄亥俄州(-10個百分點)和亞利桑那州(-9個百分點)的表現(xiàn)最差。緊隨其后的是威斯康星州(-7)、賓夕法尼亞州(-5)、佛羅里達州(-5)、北卡羅來納州(-5)、密歇根州(-4)、內華達州(-3)、喬治亞州(-3)、新罕布什爾州(-2)。應該注意到,每個州都有個位數(shù)百分比的選民對拜登的工作表現(xiàn)既不贊成也不反對。
假設他2024年再次參選——白宮本周表示他會參選:如果他輸?shù)羲兴壳啊八隆敝荩麑⒁?16比222的壓倒性劣勢輸?shù)暨x舉。
但是總統(tǒng)連任現(xiàn)在還不是民主黨人關心的問題。他們更關注的是2022年,屆時民主黨將不得不捍衛(wèi)他們在美國眾議院的微弱多數(shù)(221對213個席位),以及他們在美國參議院的一票優(yōu)勢。
對眾議院議長南希·佩洛西和參議院多數(shù)黨領袖查克·舒默來說,早期跡象并不樂觀。本月早些時候,共和黨人贏得了弗吉尼亞州州長競選,這是自2009年以來的首次。格倫·楊金以12個百分點的優(yōu)勢獲勝,超過了拜登在2020年贏得的10.1個百分點的優(yōu)勢。據(jù)Morning Consult報道,弗吉尼亞選民開始投票時,拜登的凈支持率僅為+3個百分點。在本月贏得這場競選后不久,共和黨人就成為了最大熱門,有望在2022年贏得國會參眾兩院。
所有這些變化都是春季以來發(fā)生的。
今年4月,拜登在每個搖擺州的凈支持率都是正數(shù)(或持平)。當時,拜登在佐治亞州的支持率為+11點,在密歇根州為+11點,在內華達州為+9點,在賓州為+9點。緊隨這些州之后,拜登4月份在亞利桑那州(+8)、佛羅里達州(+8)、威斯康星州(+7)、北卡羅來納州(+7)、新罕布什爾州(+7)和俄亥俄州(+2)的凈支持率也很高。而在愛荷華州,他是+0點。
由于新冠疫苗推動了經濟復蘇,拜登的支持率在整個春季和初夏都保持穩(wěn)定。但到了8月,支持率開始迅速消退。當月,拜登政府因其對阿富汗撤軍的處理而受到尖銳的批評——塔利班似乎在一夜之間奪回了這個國家。幾乎在同一時間,美國部分地區(qū)的醫(yī)院因Delta毒株而再次擠滿了患者。此外,上個月的通貨膨脹率還飆升至31年的高點。
拜登能回到當初嗎?從歷史上看,總統(tǒng)們在上任第一年支持率下降后,要想反彈是很有難度的。當然,前總統(tǒng)比爾·克林頓是個例外,他在掌舵的第一年支持率下滑后,繼續(xù)贏得了第二任期。(財富中文網(wǎng))
編譯:楊二一
民意調查結果很清楚:喬·拜登與總統(tǒng)職位的蜜月期結束了。根據(jù)FiveThirtyEight的數(shù)據(jù),截至11月24日,拜登的總體支持率僅為42.9%,低于他1月份入主白宮時的53%。在二戰(zhàn)后的總統(tǒng)中,只有唐納德·特朗普在其總統(tǒng)任期的這個時候的支持率比他低(38.4%)。
但對民主黨人來說,比表面數(shù)字讓他們感到憂慮的的是州一級數(shù)據(jù)。Morning Consult利用10月份進行的民意調查,計算了美國各州登記選民對拜登的支持率。他們發(fā)現(xiàn),拜登目前在32個州處于“水下”(即不支持率大于支持率)狀態(tài)。在其他18個州,他的凈支持率都是正面的,但這些州無論以何種方式衡量都是非常“藍”的州。
如果你聚焦在搖擺州,情況對白宮來說就更糟糕了:在《財富》雜志在2020年認定的11個搖擺州中,拜登在每個州的支持率都低于預期。其中,他在愛荷華州(-11個百分點)、俄亥俄州(-10個百分點)和亞利桑那州(-9個百分點)的表現(xiàn)最差。緊隨其后的是威斯康星州(-7)、賓夕法尼亞州(-5)、佛羅里達州(-5)、北卡羅來納州(-5)、密歇根州(-4)、內華達州(-3)、喬治亞州(-3)、新罕布什爾州(-2)。應該注意到,每個州都有個位數(shù)百分比的選民對拜登的工作表現(xiàn)既不贊成也不反對。
假設他2024年再次參選——白宮本周表示他會參選:如果他輸?shù)羲兴壳啊八隆敝荩麑⒁?16比222的壓倒性劣勢輸?shù)暨x舉。
但是總統(tǒng)連任現(xiàn)在還不是民主黨人關心的問題。他們更關注的是2022年,屆時民主黨將不得不捍衛(wèi)他們在美國眾議院的微弱多數(shù)(221對213個席位),以及他們在美國參議院的一票優(yōu)勢。
對眾議院議長南希·佩洛西和參議院多數(shù)黨領袖查克·舒默來說,早期跡象并不樂觀。本月早些時候,共和黨人贏得了弗吉尼亞州州長競選,這是自2009年以來的首次。格倫·楊金以12個百分點的優(yōu)勢獲勝,超過了拜登在2020年贏得的10.1個百分點的優(yōu)勢。據(jù)Morning Consult報道,弗吉尼亞選民開始投票時,拜登的凈支持率僅為+3個百分點。在本月贏得這場競選后不久,共和黨人就成為了最大熱門,有望在2022年贏得國會參眾兩院。
所有這些變化都是春季以來發(fā)生的。
今年4月,拜登在每個搖擺州的凈支持率都是正數(shù)(或持平)。當時,拜登在佐治亞州的支持率為+11點,在密歇根州為+11點,在內華達州為+9點,在賓州為+9點。緊隨這些州之后,拜登4月份在亞利桑那州(+8)、佛羅里達州(+8)、威斯康星州(+7)、北卡羅來納州(+7)、新罕布什爾州(+7)和俄亥俄州(+2)的凈支持率也很高。而在愛荷華州,他是+0點。
由于新冠疫苗推動了經濟復蘇,拜登的支持率在整個春季和初夏都保持穩(wěn)定。但到了8月,支持率開始迅速消退。當月,拜登政府因其對阿富汗撤軍的處理而受到尖銳的批評——塔利班似乎在一夜之間奪回了這個國家。幾乎在同一時間,美國部分地區(qū)的醫(yī)院因Delta毒株而再次擠滿了患者。此外,上個月的通貨膨脹率還飆升至31年的高點。
拜登能回到當初嗎?從歷史上看,總統(tǒng)們在上任第一年支持率下降后,要想反彈是很有難度的。當然,前總統(tǒng)比爾·克林頓是個例外,他在掌舵的第一年支持率下滑后,繼續(xù)贏得了第二任期。(財富中文網(wǎng))
編譯:楊二一
The polling is pretty clear: President Joe Biden's honeymoon is over. As of Wednesday, his aggregated approval rating stands at just 42.9%, according to FiveThirtyEight—down from 53% when he entered the White House in January. Among post-World War II presidents, only Donald Trump had a worse approval rating (38.4%) at this point in his presidency.
But what's more concerning for Democrats than the topline figure is the state-level data. Using polling conducted in October, Morning Consult recently calculated Biden's approval rating with registered voters in every U.S. state. The finding? Biden is currently underwater (meaning his disapproval rating is greater than his approval rating) in 32 states. While he has a positive net approval rating in 18 states—which, by any measurement, are very blue states.
When you zoom in on battleground states, things look even worse for the White House: In the 11 states Fortune considered battleground states in 2020, Biden's approval rating is underwater in every single one of them. Of those, he's doing the worst in Iowa (-11 percentage points), Ohio (-10 points), and Arizona (-9 points). Those battleground states are followed by Wisconsin (-7 points), Pennsylvania (-5 points), Florida (-5), North Carolina (-5 points), Michigan (-4 points), Nevada (-3 points), Georgia (-3 points), and New Hampshire (-2 points). (We should note that each of these states have a single-digit percentage of voters who neither approve nor disapprove of Biden's job performance).
Let's say he runs again in 2024—which the White House said this week he will. If he loses every state he's currently underwater in, he'd lose in a 316-to-222 electoral landslide.
But the presidential reelection is hardly what concerns Democratic operatives at the moment. Instead, they're focused on 2022, when Democrats will have to defend their slim U.S. House majority (221 to 213 seats) and their one-vote edge in the U.S. Senate.
The early signs aren't looking good for House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer. Earlier this month, Republicans won the Virginia Gubernatorial race for the first time since 2009, with Glenn Youngkin winning by +1.9 points in a state Biden won by 10.1 points in 2020. According to Morning Consult, as Virginia voters hit the polls, Biden's net approval rating stood at just +3 points. Soon after winning that race this month, Republicans became the clear betting market favorites to win both chambers of Congress in 2022.
All of this is a big change from the spring.
In April, Biden had a positive (or flat) net approval rating in every single battleground state. At that time, Biden was +11 points in Georgia, + 11 points in Michigan, +9 points in Nevada, and +9 points in Pennsylvania. Not too far behind those states in April were his positive net approval ratings in Arizona (+8 points), Florida (+8 points), Wisconsin (+7 points), North Carolina (+7 points), New Hampshire (+7 points), and Ohio (+2 points). While in Iowa, he was +0 points.
Biden's approval rating was holding steady through the spring and early summer as COVID-19 vaccines helped boost the economic recovery. But in August, that popularity began to fade quickly. During that month, the Biden Administration was sharply criticized for its handling of its Afghanistan withdrawal—and the Taliban's recapture the country seemingly overnight. Around that same time, hospitals in parts of the country were filling up again with COVID-19 patients due to the Delta variant. Additionally, inflation last month soared to a 31-year high.
Can Biden recover? Historically speaking, it's challenging for presidents to bounce back after seeing their approval rating sink during their first-year in office. The outlier, of course, is former President Bill Clinton, who went on to win a second-term after his approval rating slipped during his first year at the helm.