由于加州弗里蒙特工廠被禁止復工復產,特斯拉憤而狀告當地的郡政府。此事將不僅僅關系到該公司是否能夠繼續在當地生產汽車。據法律專家們稱,它還可能會有助于明確新冠病毒疫情期間美國經濟活動如何重啟的問題,更廣泛地說,甚至會影響到各州對地方政府的權力問題。
就在特斯拉CEO埃隆·馬斯克怒指疫情封鎖令“法西斯主義”幾天后,該公司在北加州地方法院對阿拉米達郡政府提起訴訟。接著,周一晚間,馬斯克直接宣布特斯拉在該郡的工廠將要復工,完全無視郡政府的禁令。
這場爭端對特斯拉來說事關重大。弗里蒙特工廠是該公司唯一一家為歐美市場生產Model 3等車型的工廠。一天不生產,它的經營一天就有隱憂。
但有數名衛生法專家指出,隨著美國各州紛紛解除疫情封鎖令,該起訴訟可能會產生更廣泛的影響。尤其值得一提的是,它可能會影響其它地區的法院對于州級命令是否優先于市級或郡級命令的裁定。例如,在南卡羅來納州,格林維爾市能否頒布比同州其它地方更嚴厲的居家令,尚無定論。
特斯拉的訴訟結果可能會引發特別大的影響,畢竟在因為封鎖令而起訴政府的公司當中,該汽車制造商是最受矚目的。其它類似的訴訟來自于一些相對較小的公司,它們有的也聲稱政府違反憲法中的正當程序和平等保護條例,有的則稱自己從事的是必要行業,理應獲準復工復產。
路易斯安那州立大學的法學教授愛德華·理查茲認為,特斯拉公然違抗政府防疫命令的行為——本周不顧阿拉米達郡政府禁令重啟工廠——應該分開來看,不應影響訴訟案件本身。理查茲此前曾與美國司法部合作應對流行病防范問題。
“特斯拉愿意拿出實際行動,控訴政府。”理查茲表示,“一定程度上是因為他們認為當地政府沒有權力禁止他們復工。如果法官也是這么認為的,那么當地政府就不能禁止他們復工。”
亞利桑那州立大學的衛生法專家詹姆斯·霍奇指出,特斯拉的訴訟有三個主要論據。首先,特斯拉稱,阿拉米達郡傳出含糊不清的信息,違反了憲法賦予公司的正當程序權利。該公司接著指出,由于加州不同地區的工廠受到不同的限制,它的平等保護權利受到了侵犯。最后,它說,阿拉米達郡的限制性命令優先級要低于加州放行州內制造商復工的命令。
本文所采訪的專家都敦促在談論此案時要謹慎,因為阿拉米達郡還沒有機會在法庭文件中做出回應,給出它這一方的說法。不過,霍奇說,正當程序方面的主張有一定道理。阿拉米達郡公布的指引文件稱,安裝“分布式太陽能系統、儲能系統和/或電動汽車充電系統”的企業可以繼續運營。特斯拉稱這些企業包括它的弗里蒙特工廠在內。據該公司稱,阿拉米達郡后來在下令該工廠關閉時反駁了那些說法。
“如果你的行事顯得武斷或含糊不清,那么你就違背了正當程序原則。”霍奇如是說阿拉米達郡政府。
至于特斯拉有關平等保護權利的論據,霍奇以及法律教授、東北大學的衛生政策與法規中心主任溫迪·帕爾梅特都認為沒有說服力。特斯拉的主張是拿它在阿拉米達郡的工廠受到的對待與另一個郡的復工決定來比較。帕爾梅特說,不能拿兩個不同的司法管轄區之間的區別來支持平等保護主張。
“那說不通,因為平等保護是要看同一個郡是否區別對待其管轄范圍內的其它企業。”她說道。
特斯拉的第三個論據影響可能最為深遠,不管它最終是否會讓特斯拉直接受益。該公司辯稱,加州州長加文·紐森頒布的命令優先于任何的郡級命令,加州其它地方的工廠陸續復工也表明,該州準許像特斯拉弗里蒙特工廠那樣的工廠復工。
隨著越來越多州放松隔離管制,準許工廠復工,各州是否能夠迫使市級或郡級政府實行特定的防疫政策,將成為一個要重大得多的問題。特斯拉的案子可能會成為某些爭端的一個判決先例。例如,正當佐治亞州各地紛紛開始復工時,卻有個城市反其道而行之,實施更嚴格的封鎖命令,而該州想要推翻這一命令。
對于命令優先級問題會如何左右特斯拉的訴訟結果,專家們看法不一。
“加州州長紐森并沒說州級命令優先于所有的地方級命令。”霍奇說,“他只是說,如果郡直接違反州級命令,州政府就會預先制止。在其它的情況下,一定程度上取決于當地政府自己的決策。”理查茲則認為特斯拉有關州級命令優先的說法“很有說服力。”
在帕爾梅特看來,特斯拉的案件背后,是州政府和地方政府在州政府是否有權推翻地方法令的問題上的爭論。近年來,各州對地方政府有關共享出行和最低工資的規定實施約束,但那些做法是否合法仍無定論。帕爾梅特表示,特斯拉的案子可能會有助于進一步澄清這一問題。
如果法官最終做出對特斯拉有利的判決,那么該公司就能夠復工復產。阿拉米達郡也可能會撤銷或修改它的命令,在審理之前結束這起案件。
鑒于特斯拉的工廠已于5月11日復工,它如果敗訴的話,情況就沒有那么明晰了。阿拉米達郡政府在同一天向特斯拉發出一份公開聲明和信件,稱它在“使用分階段復工的方法來解決這一問題,如同我們對待過去違反禁令的其它企業那樣,我們希望特斯拉也遵守命令,避免政府采取進一步的強制措施。”
這起案件正在加快處理,因此可能幾周內就有裁決結果。
不管訴訟結果如何,特斯拉無視禁令的做法可能會損害它的社會聲譽。尤其要指出的是,民調發現,對于馬斯克公然違抗的公共衛生命令,而絕大多數美國人都支持公共衛生命令。
咨詢公司Publicis Sapient跟蹤特斯拉的分析師阿莉莎·奧爾特曼表示,如果特斯拉看上去罔顧工人的健康安全強行復工,只顧著自己的業績,那么大家“可能會不再覺得它是一家試圖讓這個世界變得更美好、讓環境變得更好的公司。”
更新:就在這篇文章發表之前,阿拉米達郡宣布,在達到一些基準的前提下,“我們準許特斯拉本周開始最低限度的業務運營,為可能最早下周到來的復工做好準備。”這一決定可能最終會讓特斯拉的訴訟變得毫無實際意義。(財富中文網)
譯者:萬志文
由于加州弗里蒙特工廠被禁止復工復產,特斯拉憤而狀告當地的郡政府。此事將不僅僅關系到該公司是否能夠繼續在當地生產汽車。據法律專家們稱,它還可能會有助于明確新冠病毒疫情期間美國經濟活動如何重啟的問題,更廣泛地說,甚至會影響到各州對地方政府的權力問題。
就在特斯拉CEO埃隆·馬斯克怒指疫情封鎖令“法西斯主義”幾天后,該公司在北加州地方法院對阿拉米達郡政府提起訴訟。接著,周一晚間,馬斯克直接宣布特斯拉在該郡的工廠將要復工,完全無視郡政府的禁令。
這場爭端對特斯拉來說事關重大。弗里蒙特工廠是該公司唯一一家為歐美市場生產Model 3等車型的工廠。一天不生產,它的經營一天就有隱憂。
但有數名衛生法專家指出,隨著美國各州紛紛解除疫情封鎖令,該起訴訟可能會產生更廣泛的影響。尤其值得一提的是,它可能會影響其它地區的法院對于州級命令是否優先于市級或郡級命令的裁定。例如,在南卡羅來納州,格林維爾市能否頒布比同州其它地方更嚴厲的居家令,尚無定論。
特斯拉的訴訟結果可能會引發特別大的影響,畢竟在因為封鎖令而起訴政府的公司當中,該汽車制造商是最受矚目的。其它類似的訴訟來自于一些相對較小的公司,它們有的也聲稱政府違反憲法中的正當程序和平等保護條例,有的則稱自己從事的是必要行業,理應獲準復工復產。
路易斯安那州立大學的法學教授愛德華·理查茲認為,特斯拉公然違抗政府防疫命令的行為——本周不顧阿拉米達郡政府禁令重啟工廠——應該分開來看,不應影響訴訟案件本身。理查茲此前曾與美國司法部合作應對流行病防范問題。
“特斯拉愿意拿出實際行動,控訴政府。”理查茲表示,“一定程度上是因為他們認為當地政府沒有權力禁止他們復工。如果法官也是這么認為的,那么當地政府就不能禁止他們復工。”
亞利桑那州立大學的衛生法專家詹姆斯·霍奇指出,特斯拉的訴訟有三個主要論據。首先,特斯拉稱,阿拉米達郡傳出含糊不清的信息,違反了憲法賦予公司的正當程序權利。該公司接著指出,由于加州不同地區的工廠受到不同的限制,它的平等保護權利受到了侵犯。最后,它說,阿拉米達郡的限制性命令優先級要低于加州放行州內制造商復工的命令。
本文所采訪的專家都敦促在談論此案時要謹慎,因為阿拉米達郡還沒有機會在法庭文件中做出回應,給出它這一方的說法。不過,霍奇說,正當程序方面的主張有一定道理。阿拉米達郡公布的指引文件稱,安裝“分布式太陽能系統、儲能系統和/或電動汽車充電系統”的企業可以繼續運營。特斯拉稱這些企業包括它的弗里蒙特工廠在內。據該公司稱,阿拉米達郡后來在下令該工廠關閉時反駁了那些說法。
“如果你的行事顯得武斷或含糊不清,那么你就違背了正當程序原則。”霍奇如是說阿拉米達郡政府。
至于特斯拉有關平等保護權利的論據,霍奇以及法律教授、東北大學的衛生政策與法規中心主任溫迪·帕爾梅特都認為沒有說服力。特斯拉的主張是拿它在阿拉米達郡的工廠受到的對待與另一個郡的復工決定來比較。帕爾梅特說,不能拿兩個不同的司法管轄區之間的區別來支持平等保護主張。
“那說不通,因為平等保護是要看同一個郡是否區別對待其管轄范圍內的其它企業。”她說道。
特斯拉的第三個論據影響可能最為深遠,不管它最終是否會讓特斯拉直接受益。該公司辯稱,加州州長加文·紐森頒布的命令優先于任何的郡級命令,加州其它地方的工廠陸續復工也表明,該州準許像特斯拉弗里蒙特工廠那樣的工廠復工。
隨著越來越多州放松隔離管制,準許工廠復工,各州是否能夠迫使市級或郡級政府實行特定的防疫政策,將成為一個要重大得多的問題。特斯拉的案子可能會成為某些爭端的一個判決先例。例如,正當佐治亞州各地紛紛開始復工時,卻有個城市反其道而行之,實施更嚴格的封鎖命令,而該州想要推翻這一命令。
對于命令優先級問題會如何左右特斯拉的訴訟結果,專家們看法不一。
“加州州長紐森并沒說州級命令優先于所有的地方級命令。”霍奇說,“他只是說,如果郡直接違反州級命令,州政府就會預先制止。在其它的情況下,一定程度上取決于當地政府自己的決策。”理查茲則認為特斯拉有關州級命令優先的說法“很有說服力。”
在帕爾梅特看來,特斯拉的案件背后,是州政府和地方政府在州政府是否有權推翻地方法令的問題上的爭論。近年來,各州對地方政府有關共享出行和最低工資的規定實施約束,但那些做法是否合法仍無定論。帕爾梅特表示,特斯拉的案子可能會有助于進一步澄清這一問題。
如果法官最終做出對特斯拉有利的判決,那么該公司就能夠復工復產。阿拉米達郡也可能會撤銷或修改它的命令,在審理之前結束這起案件。
鑒于特斯拉的工廠已于5月11日復工,它如果敗訴的話,情況就沒有那么明晰了。阿拉米達郡政府在同一天向特斯拉發出一份公開聲明和信件,稱它在“使用分階段復工的方法來解決這一問題,如同我們對待過去違反禁令的其它企業那樣,我們希望特斯拉也遵守命令,避免政府采取進一步的強制措施。”
這起案件正在加快處理,因此可能幾周內就有裁決結果。
不管訴訟結果如何,特斯拉無視禁令的做法可能會損害它的社會聲譽。尤其要指出的是,民調發現,對于馬斯克公然違抗的公共衛生命令,而絕大多數美國人都支持公共衛生命令。
咨詢公司Publicis Sapient跟蹤特斯拉的分析師阿莉莎·奧爾特曼表示,如果特斯拉看上去罔顧工人的健康安全強行復工,只顧著自己的業績,那么大家“可能會不再覺得它是一家試圖讓這個世界變得更美好、讓環境變得更好的公司。”
更新:就在這篇文章發表之前,阿拉米達郡宣布,在達到一些基準的前提下,“我們準許特斯拉本周開始最低限度的業務運營,為可能最早下周到來的復工做好準備。”這一決定可能最終會讓特斯拉的訴訟變得毫無實際意義。(財富中文網)
譯者:萬志文
Tesla's lawsuit against a county government to open its Fremont, Calif. factory will do more than impact whether the company can continue making cars there. It could also, according to legal experts, help define how America reopens amid the coronavirus pandemic, and even more broadly, influence the power states have over local governments.
Tesla's suit, filed in the U.S. District Court for Northern California, came just days after its CEO, Elon Musk, referred to coronavirus lockdown orders as ‘fascist.’ Then late Monday, Musk declared that his company's factory would reopen in direct defiance of orders by Alameda County, where the plant is located.
The standoff is high-stakes for Tesla. The Fremont factory is the only plant producing Tesla cars, such as the Model 3 sedan, for the U.S. and European markets. Every day it is not making cars threatens the company’s bottom line.
But several health law experts say the case could have broader implications as U.S. states move to end coronavirus lockdowns. In particular, it may influence whether courts elsewhere rule that state-level orders trump city or county orders. In South Carolina, for instance, there has been uncertainty over whether the City of Greenville can enact a stronger stay-at-home order than the rest of the state.
The outcome of Tesla's case could be particularly influential because the carmaker is the highest-profile company to sue in opposition to lockdown orders. Other suits have come from smaller businesses, which have also alleged unconstitutional violations of due process and equal protection, or argued that they are essential businesses that should be free to open.
Tesla's decision to openly defy government health orders—it reopened its factory this week despite the county government's position—should not impact the court case itself, according to Edward Richards, a Louisiana State University law professor who has previously worked with the U.S. Department of Justice on pandemic preparedness issues.
“[Tesla] is willing to put their money where their mouth is,” says Richards. “That’s partly because they say the locality doesn’t have the authority to do this. If the judge finds that to be true … the locality can’t do anything.”
Tesla’s suit makes three main arguments, according to James Hodge, a health-law specialist at Arizona State University. Tesla argues, first, that the mixed messages sent by Alameda County violated the company’s constitutional right to the due process of law. Tesla further argues that, because factories in different parts of California are subject to different restrictions, its constitutional right to equal protection has been violated. Finally, the company argues that Alameda County’s more-restrictive orders are pre-empted by statewide orders, which it says give it clearance to operate.
All of the experts interviewed for this article urged caution in assessing the case, because Alameda County has not yet had the chance to respond in court filings with its own version of events. Still, Hodge says that there is some merit to the due process claim. Alameda County's published guidelines stated that businesses that install "distributed solar, storage, and/or electric vehicle charging systems" could remain open, which Tesla says includes the Fremont factory. The county, says Tesla, later contradicted those statements in ordering the factory closed.
“If you act in an arbitrary or vague way,” says Hodge, referring to the county, “you’re outside the bounds of due process.”
Tesla’s equal protection argument is less persuasive both to Hodge and to Wendy Parmet, law professor and director of the Center for Health Policy and Law at Northeastern University. Tesla's claim compares the treatment of its facility in Alameda County with the decision made in a different county. Parmet says comparing two different jurisdictions isn’t relevant to an equal protection claim.
“That makes almost no sense. Because [equal protection is] a question of whether the [same] county is acting differently to other businesses within their jurisdiction,” she says.
The third leg of Tesla’s case may be the most impactful, whether or not it helps Tesla directly. The company argues that the orders issued by California Gov. Gavin Newsom supersede any orders at the county level, and that the reopening of factories elsewhere in California indicates that the state approves of factories like Tesla's reopening.
The question of whether states can force cities or counties to adopt specific pandemic-related policies is about to become a much bigger one as more states open up. Tesla’s case could act as a precedent of sorts if, for instance, a city in Georgia decides to impose stricter lockdown orders as the broader state reopens, and the state tries to overrule it.
Experts were divided on how the preemption question might play in Tesla’s case.
“Gov. Newsom did not preempt all [local orders],” says Hodge. “He just said if a county is directly violating the order, the state preempts. Otherwise, some of it is subject to local decision-making.” Richards, by contrast, describes Tesla’s argument that the state order takes precedence as “fairly strong.”
According to Parmet, Tesla's case is part of an ongoing "backdrop of contestation between state and local governments" on states' ability to override local ordinances. States have placed limits on local government regulations on ridesharing and minimum wage in recent years, but there remains uncertainty about whether those moves are legal. The Tesla case, according to Parmet, could help further clarify the question.
If a judge rules in Tesla's favor, the company would be clear to reopen. The county could also rescind or revise its order, ending the case before it goes before a judge.
It's less clear what would happen if Tesla loses, given that the factory reopened on May 11. In a public statement and letter sent to Tesla the same day, Alameda County said it is "addressing this matter using the same phased approach we use for other businesses which have violated the Order in the past, and we hope that Tesla will likewise comply without further enforcement measures."
The court case is on an accelerated timeline, so could be decided in a matter of weeks.
Regardless of the legal outcome, Tesla’s aggressive opposition to lockdown orders could threaten its reputation as a company focused on social good. That’s particularly true because of Musk’s vocal defiance of public health orders, which polls find the vast majority of Americans support.
Alyssa Altman, an analyst who covers Tesla for the consulting firm Publicis Sapient, says that if the company appears to be focused on its own finances rather than worker safety, Tesla “could lose that perception of trying to take the world to a different place, emotionally as well as environmentally.”
Update 5/13: Just before publication of this article, Alameda County announced that, if some benchmarks are met, "we have agreed that Tesla can begin to augment their Minimum Business Operations this week in preparation for possible reopening as soon as next week." The decision may ultimately render Tesla's lawsuit moot.