如何既能控制住新冠病毒疫情,又可以保住經濟呢?在美國上下為此而絞盡腦汁之時,總統特朗普于上上周宣布,希望在未來幾天內實施“一項非常強勁的重啟經濟計劃”,“甚至可能會在5月1日之前實施。”
此番“重啟經濟”宣言的背景是,絕大多數的州長都已經勒令大部分企業停工。但已經有一些州長表態稱5月1日結束停工為時過早,可見接下來白宮和各州領導人發生沖突恐怕在所難免。
這也提出了美國總統究竟在哪些地方有權重啟經濟的問題。4月13日,特朗普聲稱其對各州何時能夠重啟經濟有著“絕對的權力”。但在各個政治派別的法律學者均指出這毫無依據之后,他又收回了這一說法。
卡多佐法學院憲法學教授黛博拉·珀爾斯坦表示,“和大家一樣,我也認為,特朗普擁有絕對權力的說法完全是無稽之談。”
珀爾斯坦援引美國憲法第十修正案指出,大多數的權力,包括對貿易和公民自由的權力,都只屬于各個州。雖然聯邦政府握有對州際貿易的權力,但這種權力必須由國會來行使,而非由總統。
珀爾斯坦說,即便是港口、機場和州際公路等關鍵的聯邦基礎設施,總統也無權單方面開放或者關閉。或許是因為認識到這一點,在4月16日發布最新的重啟經濟指引前,特朗普據悉對各州州長說,“具體要怎么做你們自行決定。”
那么,特朗普有什么權力“重啟”經濟嗎?他的確有,但那些權力大多是間接性的而不是直接性的,他倒可以利用它們來施加影響。例如,他可以通過發布聯邦政府指引來向州長們施加政治壓力,又或者直接通過電視媒體或推特來擴大影響力。
珀爾斯坦還指出,特朗普可以要求司法部起訴那些沒有遵從他的要求重啟經濟的州,不過一旦到了聯邦法庭,他會毫無勝算。她說,總統更有可能使用截留物資或者聯邦資金的方式,來懲罰那些不服從要求的州。
然而,據珀爾斯坦說,如果沒有得到國會法案的批準,截留用于高速公路或醫療服務的聯邦資金是違法的。但她認為,特朗普可能還是會一意孤行。
珀爾斯坦說道:“想象一下,這位總統試圖截留提供給紐約州的醫療保健資金的情況。那么做是不合法的,而且非常麻煩。但通常用來阻止這種情況發生的機制,目前基本上是無效的,比如司法部監察長和國會的傳喚權。”她解釋稱,國會在休會,另外司法部總監察長的警告也曾被特朗普無視過。
總統還擁有軍事權。雖然陸海空三軍大體上不能用于執法,但他們可以在交通運輸和其它的后勤事項上發揮重要作用。因此,對于那些違抗重啟經濟指令的州,特朗普有權決定給它們部署還是截留這些資源,其中包括海軍醫療船和N95口罩等物質。
這一切意味著,未來幾周,特朗普將無法行駛什么直接性的權力來強制全美各地的企業復工。不過,他還是可以動用這樣或那樣的軟權力來施壓各州州長就范。
“就看他有多強硬了。”珀爾斯坦說。(財富中文網)
譯者:萬志文
如何既能控制住新冠病毒疫情,又可以保住經濟呢?在美國上下為此而絞盡腦汁之時,總統特朗普于上上周宣布,希望在未來幾天內實施“一項非常強勁的重啟經濟計劃”,“甚至可能會在5月1日之前實施。”
此番“重啟經濟”宣言的背景是,絕大多數的州長都已經勒令大部分企業停工。但已經有一些州長表態稱5月1日結束停工為時過早,可見接下來白宮和各州領導人發生沖突恐怕在所難免。
這也提出了美國總統究竟在哪些地方有權重啟經濟的問題。4月13日,特朗普聲稱其對各州何時能夠重啟經濟有著“絕對的權力”。但在各個政治派別的法律學者均指出這毫無依據之后,他又收回了這一說法。
卡多佐法學院憲法學教授黛博拉·珀爾斯坦表示,“和大家一樣,我也認為,特朗普擁有絕對權力的說法完全是無稽之談。”
珀爾斯坦援引美國憲法第十修正案指出,大多數的權力,包括對貿易和公民自由的權力,都只屬于各個州。雖然聯邦政府握有對州際貿易的權力,但這種權力必須由國會來行使,而非由總統。
珀爾斯坦說,即便是港口、機場和州際公路等關鍵的聯邦基礎設施,總統也無權單方面開放或者關閉。或許是因為認識到這一點,在4月16日發布最新的重啟經濟指引前,特朗普據悉對各州州長說,“具體要怎么做你們自行決定。”
那么,特朗普有什么權力“重啟”經濟嗎?他的確有,但那些權力大多是間接性的而不是直接性的,他倒可以利用它們來施加影響。例如,他可以通過發布聯邦政府指引來向州長們施加政治壓力,又或者直接通過電視媒體或推特來擴大影響力。
珀爾斯坦還指出,特朗普可以要求司法部起訴那些沒有遵從他的要求重啟經濟的州,不過一旦到了聯邦法庭,他會毫無勝算。她說,總統更有可能使用截留物資或者聯邦資金的方式,來懲罰那些不服從要求的州。
然而,據珀爾斯坦說,如果沒有得到國會法案的批準,截留用于高速公路或醫療服務的聯邦資金是違法的。但她認為,特朗普可能還是會一意孤行。
珀爾斯坦說道:“想象一下,這位總統試圖截留提供給紐約州的醫療保健資金的情況。那么做是不合法的,而且非常麻煩。但通常用來阻止這種情況發生的機制,目前基本上是無效的,比如司法部監察長和國會的傳喚權。”她解釋稱,國會在休會,另外司法部總監察長的警告也曾被特朗普無視過。
總統還擁有軍事權。雖然陸海空三軍大體上不能用于執法,但他們可以在交通運輸和其它的后勤事項上發揮重要作用。因此,對于那些違抗重啟經濟指令的州,特朗普有權決定給它們部署還是截留這些資源,其中包括海軍醫療船和N95口罩等物質。
這一切意味著,未來幾周,特朗普將無法行駛什么直接性的權力來強制全美各地的企業復工。不過,他還是可以動用這樣或那樣的軟權力來施壓各州州長就范。
“就看他有多強硬了。”珀爾斯坦說。(財富中文網)
譯者:萬志文
As the U.S. wrestles with how to contain the coronavirus while also saving the economy, President Trump declared last week he wants to implement “a very powerful reopening plan” in coming days—"maybe even before the date of May 1."
The call for "reopening" is a response to governors in a large majority of states who have ordered most businesses to close. But already some governors have suggested May 1 is too soon to end their shutdowns, raising the specter of a collision between the White House and state leaders.
It also raises the question of what spaces in the country the President can or can't open. On April 13, Trump declared he had "total authority" over when the states can restart their economies—a claim he has since walked back after legal scholars across the political spectrum claimed it had no basis.
"I share the view of pretty much everyone that the total authority claim is total nonsense," said Deborah Pearlstein a professor of constitutional law at Cardozo Law School.
Pearlstein cited the Tenth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution, which reserves most powers—including over commerce and civil liberties—to the states. And while the federal government has power over interstate commerce, that power must be exercised by Congress not the President.
Even for key federal infrastructure such as ports, airports and Interstate highways, the President does not have the power to unilaterally open or close them, says Pearlstein. On April 16, perhaps acknowledging this reality, Trump reportedly told the country's governors "You're going to call your own," prior to issuing updated guidelines.
So does Trump have any power to "reopen" the economy? It turns out he does, but they are mostly indirect ones he can use to exert influence rather explicit legal ones. For instance, he can exert political pressure on governors through federal guidelines or, more informally, through his bully pulpit on TV and Twitter.
Pearlstein also notes that he could ask the Justice Department to sue states that don't heed his demands they reopen, but that he would certainly lose in federal court. She says it's more likely that the President would withhold equipment or federal funds from states that don't comply.
But in the absence of an act of Congress, withholding funds for highways or health services would be illegal, Perlstein says, but adds that Trump may nonetheless attempt such tactics.
"One can imagine this President trying to withhold health care funds to the state of NY. That would be illegal and very troubling but the mechanisms that usually exist to prevent that, such as Inspectors General or Congressional subpoena power are substantially disabled," Pearlstein says, explaining that Congress is out of session and that Trump has previously failed to heed Inspectors General.
There is also the President's power over the military. While the armed services largely can't be used for law enforcement, the military can play an important role in transportation and other logistics. As such, the President could deploy or withhold such resources—including Navy hospital ships or delivery of N95 masks—from states whose governors defy his request to reopen.
All of this means that, in coming weeks, the President will be able to exercise little direct authority to compel the country's businesses to reopen. But he could nonetheless use considerable soft power to pressure states to do his bidding.
"It depends how much hardball he wants to play," says Perlstein.