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不論在哪個(gè)國(guó)家，工人都害怕丟掉工作和工資，老百姓擔(dān)心“非我族類，其心必異”，怕他們的國(guó)家變成了“各種顏色的皮膚，各種顏色的頭發(fā)”，他們還擔(dān)心暴恐分子會(huì)莫名其妙地殺人，擔(dān)心他們的政府不能或不愿保護(hù)他們。

這不，他們的呼聲被人聽到了。特朗普對(duì)狂喜的民眾表示，他會(huì)帶著國(guó)民回到那個(gè)美好的“應(yīng)許之地”。一手導(dǎo)演了脫歐大戲的英國(guó)政客們也告訴選民，英國(guó)人必須拿回自己疆界的控制權(quán)，不再跟隨歐洲人制定的游戲規(guī)則起舞。意大利、波蘭和瑞典的民粹分子也承諾要保護(hù)愛國(guó)者免受“外面的人”的侵害。

這些領(lǐng)袖，或者這些致力成為領(lǐng)袖的人，都擁有一種劃分疆界的天賦。政治家們特別擅于搞對(duì)立，愛把世界劃分成“我們”和“他們”。他們知道，人員資金史無(wú)前例跨國(guó)流動(dòng)著的當(dāng)今社會(huì)，早已讓很多人感到了深深的焦慮和不安。

目前，民粹主義最有市場(chǎng)的地方仍是歐美國(guó)家，但更大的危機(jī)或許正在來(lái)臨。造成發(fā)達(dá)國(guó)家思潮動(dòng)蕩的根源，如科技變革對(duì)勞動(dòng)力市場(chǎng)的沖擊以及貧富差距加大等因素，已經(jīng)蔓延到了廣大發(fā)展中國(guó)家，而這些發(fā)展中國(guó)家的政府和制度尚未做好相應(yīng)的準(zhǔn)備，因而他們?cè)谶@波沖擊面前顯得尤為脆弱。這些發(fā)展中國(guó)家的貧富差距一般更大，而制度和社會(huì)安全網(wǎng)絡(luò)尚未建設(shè)完善。另外，他們也尚未做好應(yīng)對(duì)自動(dòng)化等技術(shù)創(chuàng)新的準(zhǔn)備，面對(duì)舊職業(yè)的消亡和新職業(yè)的需求，政府能給予人民的幫助自然更少。

那么，各國(guó)政府應(yīng)如何面對(duì)這一困局？有些國(guó)家選擇了“高筑墻”，將政府與人民、人民與人民隔絕起來(lái)，它們中既有真實(shí)的墻，也有虛擬的墻。但那些希望建立開放社會(huì)的政府則會(huì)順應(yīng)時(shí)代發(fā)展，建立新的社會(huì)契約關(guān)系，重新定義如何做一個(gè)合格的全球公民。

Workers everywhere fear lost jobs and wages. Citizens fear surging waves of strangers who change the face and voice of the country they know. They also fear terrorists and criminals who kill for reasons no one can understand. They fear that the government cannot or will not protect them.

Then, the call for help is answered. Donald Trump tells an excited crowd that he will take them (back) to the promised land. Champions of Brexit tell voters they must reclaim control of Britain’s borders and reject laws and rules forced on them by Europeans. Populists in Italy, Germany, Poland, and Sweden promise to protect patriots from outsiders.

These leaders, and wannabe leaders, have a gift for drawing boundaries. They offer a compelling vision of separation, of a world that’s “us vs. them.” And they know that unprecedented cross-border flows of people and money have stoked anxiety to match.

But while the pathos has been concentrated in the U.S. and Europe so far, there’s a larger crisis coming. The storms creating turmoil in wealthy countries—including technological change in the workplace and rising income inequality—are now crossing into the developing world, where governments and institutions aren’t ready. These countries are especially vulnerable. They face an even bigger gap between rich and poor, and their institutions and social safety nets aren’t as strong. They’re less prepared for innovations like automation that will make it harder for governments to help people prepare for the loss of familiar jobs and the demands of future ones.

How will governments respond? Some will build walls—actual and virtual—that separate people from one another and government from citizens. But those still hoping to build open societies will also adapt, remaking existing social contracts and redefining what it means to be a good global citizen.