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特朗普大選能否翻盤?看看投注網(wǎng)站的數(shù)據(jù)怎么說

Shawn Tully
2020-10-22

“大選賭盤”非?;鸨?

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在特朗普的支持者中流傳著一種說法——民意調(diào)查存在系統(tǒng)性的問題,少統(tǒng)計(jì)了數(shù)百萬會在11月3日投票支持特朗普的選民。

如果這種說法屬實(shí),特朗普最終獲勝的概率將提高到50比50,如果他現(xiàn)在能夠把與喬?拜登的支持率差距縮小到只有幾個(gè)百分點(diǎn),那么他最終甚至有可能領(lǐng)先。

如何驗(yàn)證“如果特朗普縮小支持率差距,他就可以獲勝”這種假設(shè)?一種方法是看投注網(wǎng)站上的賠率是否認(rèn)為此次大選將勝負(fù)難料,特朗普會從大幅落后追到僅相差幾個(gè)百分點(diǎn),把一場毫無懸念的大選變成令人難以琢磨的賽馬。

投注網(wǎng)站的數(shù)據(jù)能夠作為指導(dǎo),用于預(yù)測特朗普需要縮小多少差距,才可能在11月3日獲勝。

投注網(wǎng)站上的賠率數(shù)據(jù)絕對是預(yù)測大選結(jié)果的最佳指南。

這是因?yàn)樵O(shè)定這些賠率的人是在拿自己的錢冒險(xiǎn),大選的結(jié)果與他們的利益息息相關(guān),包括一些職業(yè)政治賭客都會仔細(xì)研究投票模式和選情變化。這就像要預(yù)測圣母大學(xué)橄欖球隊(duì)或達(dá)拉斯牛仔隊(duì)能否翻盤時(shí),沒有比看賭場或在線數(shù)字體育投注平臺上的賠率更好的預(yù)測方式了。

雖然賭客押注美國總統(tǒng)大選可能會出錯(cuò),就像2016年大選時(shí)那樣。但總體而言,資金在民主黨和共和黨之間的搖擺,可以很好地預(yù)測選民的態(tài)度。

美國大部分州都禁止就美國總統(tǒng)大選開賭。美國唯一一個(gè)獲準(zhǔn)這樣做的大型網(wǎng)站是PredictIt。但歐洲各式各樣的在線博彩網(wǎng)站都為這場入主白宮的爭奪戰(zhàn)開了局。其中包括英國的Betfair、Bovada、Smarkets和Spreadex;奧地利的bwin和Unibet以及瑞典的Betsson。

最近幾周,賭盤非?;鸨?。

撰寫總統(tǒng)大選博彩分析文章的職業(yè)賭客兼自由撰稿人保羅?克里希那穆提,在最近發(fā)表的一篇文章中稱,截至10月16日的一周,Betfair押注美國大選的資金超過2,500萬美元,占該平臺過去四年投注資金總額的15%。

RealClear Politics網(wǎng)站上平均每天發(fā)布9篇來自主要網(wǎng)站的最新文章。(其衡量指標(biāo)中不包含PredictIt。)

我在本次分析中將使用這些數(shù)據(jù),以及RealClear Politics對專家們認(rèn)為會左右大選結(jié)果的五個(gè)搖擺州的平均民調(diào)支持率(這五個(gè)州分別是賓夕法尼亞州、佛羅里達(dá)州、威斯康辛州、北卡羅來納州和亞利桑那州)。

下面我們來看看隨著特朗普民調(diào)支持率的波動,投注賠率這個(gè)主要指標(biāo)的變化情況,并根據(jù)這種變化來預(yù)測特朗普要將他與拜登的差距縮小到多少,才有機(jī)會贏得大選。

支持率反轉(zhuǎn)不斷

從7月21日到8月23日,拜登在搖擺州的民調(diào)支持率一直大幅領(lǐng)先特朗普4到6個(gè)百分點(diǎn)。

按照投注網(wǎng)站上的數(shù)據(jù),特朗普的勝選概率在36.1%到43.4%之間波動。換言之,特朗普敗選似乎已成定局,因?yàn)樵谶@一個(gè)月期間,特朗普的勝選概率至少落后拜登16個(gè)百分點(diǎn)。

但8月最后一周,特朗普開始發(fā)力。在8月24日到27日之間召開的共和黨虛擬大會,似乎大幅提高了特朗普的支持率。截至8月29日,他與拜登的民調(diào)支持率差距從兩周前的4個(gè)百分點(diǎn)縮小到了2.7個(gè)百分點(diǎn),并一直維持到9月1日。

9月1日,特朗普拿到了整個(gè)選舉周期最高的勝選概率。據(jù)投注網(wǎng)站顯示,他當(dāng)天的勝選概率達(dá)到49.5%,與前副總統(tǒng)拜登只相差0.5%。

然而,他上升的勢頭非常短暫。

到9月10日,拜登在民調(diào)中領(lǐng)先3.9個(gè)百分點(diǎn),之后他的領(lǐng)先優(yōu)勢一直維持在3.5至4個(gè)百分點(diǎn)。到了10月11日,他對特朗普的領(lǐng)先優(yōu)勢達(dá)到了最高的5個(gè)百分點(diǎn)。

特朗普在民意調(diào)查中的落后差距從2.7個(gè)百分點(diǎn)擴(kuò)大到5個(gè)百分點(diǎn),使他的勝選概率也大幅下降,從9月初最高的49.5%下降到34.7%。拜登的領(lǐng)先優(yōu)勢達(dá)到了2比1,有望入主白宮。

但在10月12日,選情再次出現(xiàn)變化。

特朗普感染新冠病毒之后回歸,特意擺出一種勝利者的姿態(tài),并重新開始舉辦競選活動,當(dāng)天晚上就在佛羅里達(dá)州斯坦福舉辦了一次聲勢浩大的集會。

看到總統(tǒng)身體健康并重新加入戰(zhàn)局,使他的民調(diào)支持率在7周內(nèi)第二次大幅上升。截至10月19日,特朗普將拜登在搖擺州的領(lǐng)先優(yōu)勢從5個(gè)百分點(diǎn)縮小到3.9個(gè)百分點(diǎn)。特朗普的勝選概率也隨著民調(diào)發(fā)生變化,從10月11日接近最低點(diǎn)的34.7%提高到40.3%。(次日又下滑到38.7%,但民調(diào)支持率的差距依舊為3.9%。)

這預(yù)示著特朗普民調(diào)支持率的波動,似乎能夠或多或少帶來勝選概率可以預(yù)見的上升和下滑。

從9月1日到10月11日,特朗普在民調(diào)上的差距從2.7%擴(kuò)大到5%,提高2.3個(gè)百分點(diǎn),使他的勝選概率從49.5%下滑到34.7%,下降了14.8個(gè)百分點(diǎn)。

他的落后差距每擴(kuò)大1個(gè)百分點(diǎn),勝選概率就會下降6.4個(gè)百分點(diǎn)。

同樣,在隨后8天,他的民調(diào)支持率差距從5%到3.9%縮小了略超過1個(gè)百分點(diǎn),使他的勝選概率從34.7%上升到40.3%,提高了5.6個(gè)百分點(diǎn)。

所以,特朗普在搖擺州的民調(diào)支持率落后差距每縮小1個(gè)百分點(diǎn),勝選概率就會提高約6個(gè)百分點(diǎn)。

縮小差距

現(xiàn)在,特朗普成功連任的概率為40%左右。

按照我們的公式,他如果想要在投注網(wǎng)站上領(lǐng)先拜登,就需要將勝選概率提高10個(gè)百分點(diǎn)以上,這需要他將拜登在民調(diào)上的領(lǐng)先優(yōu)勢縮小約1.6個(gè)百分點(diǎn),將落后差距從3.9個(gè)百分點(diǎn)縮小到2.3個(gè)百分點(diǎn)。

值得注意的是,在9月1日,特朗普與拜登在民調(diào)支持率上的最小差距為2.7個(gè)百分點(diǎn),當(dāng)時(shí)他的勝選概率幾乎追平拜登。

特朗普需要在選舉日之前將差距縮小到2.5個(gè)百分點(diǎn)左右,才能夠險(xiǎn)勝拜登。前提是投注者是正確的。

當(dāng)然,將落后差距縮小到2.5個(gè)百分點(diǎn)依舊假設(shè)為民意調(diào)查并不準(zhǔn)確,而且有數(shù)以百萬計(jì)的選民仍然對自己的真實(shí)想法感到難為情,不愿意把他們支持特朗普的立場告訴鄰居和民意調(diào)查機(jī)構(gòu)。

內(nèi)特?希爾沃的FiveThirtyEight和《經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)人》這兩家頗具威望的預(yù)測機(jī)構(gòu)都認(rèn)為,拜登的勝選概率在80%以上,而投注網(wǎng)站上的賭客目前嚴(yán)重高估了特朗普日漸渺茫的成功機(jī)會。

PredictIt顯示,特朗普最近在多個(gè)州的賠率有所上升。

在佛羅里達(dá)州,他重新取得了10月1日失去的領(lǐng)先優(yōu)勢;在北卡羅來納州,雖然拜登的民調(diào)支持率領(lǐng)先2%,但兩人的賠率已經(jīng)變成了1比1;在俄亥俄州,最近賠率上升使特朗普在PredictIt期貨市場中遙遙領(lǐng)先;此外他在亞利桑那州和威斯康辛州的落后差距也在不斷縮小。

然而,PredictIt上的投注者依舊認(rèn)為特朗普只有35%的勝選概率,這在最近幾周一直沒有太大變化。這比RealClear Politics得出的他的勝選概率低了幾個(gè)百分點(diǎn)。

對于那些投入真金白銀的人,我們還是應(yīng)該信任他們的判斷。

事實(shí)上,只有賠率制定者才可以判定誰的猜測更準(zhǔn)確——是那些賭客還是希爾沃和《經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)人》等專家。

我認(rèn)同賭客的觀點(diǎn)。他們依舊認(rèn)為特朗普的勝選概率遠(yuǎn)低于50比50。他們認(rèn)為,只要特朗普能夠縮小與拜登的差距,就有可能繼續(xù)留在白宮,盡管希望渺茫。(財(cái)富中文網(wǎng))

翻譯:劉進(jìn)龍

審校:汪皓

編輯:徐曉彤

在特朗普的支持者中流傳著一種說法——民意調(diào)查存在系統(tǒng)性的問題,少統(tǒng)計(jì)了數(shù)百萬會在11月3日投票支持特朗普的選民。

如果這種說法屬實(shí),特朗普最終獲勝的概率將提高到50比50,如果他現(xiàn)在能夠把與喬?拜登的支持率差距縮小到只有幾個(gè)百分點(diǎn),那么他最終甚至有可能領(lǐng)先。

如何驗(yàn)證“如果特朗普縮小支持率差距,他就可以獲勝”這種假設(shè)?一種方法是看投注網(wǎng)站上的賠率是否認(rèn)為此次大選將勝負(fù)難料,特朗普會從大幅落后追到僅相差幾個(gè)百分點(diǎn),把一場毫無懸念的大選變成令人難以琢磨的賽馬。

投注網(wǎng)站的數(shù)據(jù)能夠作為指導(dǎo),用于預(yù)測特朗普需要縮小多少差距,才可能在11月3日獲勝。

投注網(wǎng)站上的賠率數(shù)據(jù)絕對是預(yù)測大選結(jié)果的最佳指南。

這是因?yàn)樵O(shè)定這些賠率的人是在拿自己的錢冒險(xiǎn),大選的結(jié)果與他們的利益息息相關(guān),包括一些職業(yè)政治賭客都會仔細(xì)研究投票模式和選情變化。這就像要預(yù)測圣母大學(xué)橄欖球隊(duì)或達(dá)拉斯牛仔隊(duì)能否翻盤時(shí),沒有比看賭場或在線數(shù)字體育投注平臺上的賠率更好的預(yù)測方式了。

雖然賭客押注美國總統(tǒng)大選可能會出錯(cuò),就像2016年大選時(shí)那樣。但總體而言,資金在民主黨和共和黨之間的搖擺,可以很好地預(yù)測選民的態(tài)度。

美國大部分州都禁止就美國總統(tǒng)大選開賭。美國唯一一個(gè)獲準(zhǔn)這樣做的大型網(wǎng)站是PredictIt。但歐洲各式各樣的在線博彩網(wǎng)站都為這場入主白宮的爭奪戰(zhàn)開了局。其中包括英國的Betfair、Bovada、Smarkets和Spreadex;奧地利的bwin和Unibet以及瑞典的Betsson。

最近幾周,賭盤非?;鸨?/p>

撰寫總統(tǒng)大選博彩分析文章的職業(yè)賭客兼自由撰稿人保羅?克里希那穆提,在最近發(fā)表的一篇文章中稱,截至10月16日的一周,Betfair押注美國大選的資金超過2,500萬美元,占該平臺過去四年投注資金總額的15%。

RealClear Politics網(wǎng)站上平均每天發(fā)布9篇來自主要網(wǎng)站的最新文章。(其衡量指標(biāo)中不包含PredictIt。)

我在本次分析中將使用這些數(shù)據(jù),以及RealClear Politics對專家們認(rèn)為會左右大選結(jié)果的五個(gè)搖擺州的平均民調(diào)支持率(這五個(gè)州分別是賓夕法尼亞州、佛羅里達(dá)州、威斯康辛州、北卡羅來納州和亞利桑那州)。

下面我們來看看隨著特朗普民調(diào)支持率的波動,投注賠率這個(gè)主要指標(biāo)的變化情況,并根據(jù)這種變化來預(yù)測特朗普要將他與拜登的差距縮小到多少,才有機(jī)會贏得大選。

支持率反轉(zhuǎn)不斷

從7月21日到8月23日,拜登在搖擺州的民調(diào)支持率一直大幅領(lǐng)先特朗普4到6個(gè)百分點(diǎn)。

按照投注網(wǎng)站上的數(shù)據(jù),特朗普的勝選概率在36.1%到43.4%之間波動。換言之,特朗普敗選似乎已成定局,因?yàn)樵谶@一個(gè)月期間,特朗普的勝選概率至少落后拜登16個(gè)百分點(diǎn)。

但8月最后一周,特朗普開始發(fā)力。在8月24日到27日之間召開的共和黨虛擬大會,似乎大幅提高了特朗普的支持率。截至8月29日,他與拜登的民調(diào)支持率差距從兩周前的4個(gè)百分點(diǎn)縮小到了2.7個(gè)百分點(diǎn),并一直維持到9月1日。

9月1日,特朗普拿到了整個(gè)選舉周期最高的勝選概率。據(jù)投注網(wǎng)站顯示,他當(dāng)天的勝選概率達(dá)到49.5%,與前副總統(tǒng)拜登只相差0.5%。

然而,他上升的勢頭非常短暫。

到9月10日,拜登在民調(diào)中領(lǐng)先3.9個(gè)百分點(diǎn),之后他的領(lǐng)先優(yōu)勢一直維持在3.5至4個(gè)百分點(diǎn)。到了10月11日,他對特朗普的領(lǐng)先優(yōu)勢達(dá)到了最高的5個(gè)百分點(diǎn)。

特朗普在民意調(diào)查中的落后差距從2.7個(gè)百分點(diǎn)擴(kuò)大到5個(gè)百分點(diǎn),使他的勝選概率也大幅下降,從9月初最高的49.5%下降到34.7%。拜登的領(lǐng)先優(yōu)勢達(dá)到了2比1,有望入主白宮。

但在10月12日,選情再次出現(xiàn)變化。

特朗普感染新冠病毒之后回歸,特意擺出一種勝利者的姿態(tài),并重新開始舉辦競選活動,當(dāng)天晚上就在佛羅里達(dá)州斯坦福舉辦了一次聲勢浩大的集會。

看到總統(tǒng)身體健康并重新加入戰(zhàn)局,使他的民調(diào)支持率在7周內(nèi)第二次大幅上升。截至10月19日,特朗普將拜登在搖擺州的領(lǐng)先優(yōu)勢從5個(gè)百分點(diǎn)縮小到3.9個(gè)百分點(diǎn)。特朗普的勝選概率也隨著民調(diào)發(fā)生變化,從10月11日接近最低點(diǎn)的34.7%提高到40.3%。(次日又下滑到38.7%,但民調(diào)支持率的差距依舊為3.9%。)

這預(yù)示著特朗普民調(diào)支持率的波動,似乎能夠或多或少帶來勝選概率可以預(yù)見的上升和下滑。

從9月1日到10月11日,特朗普在民調(diào)上的差距從2.7%擴(kuò)大到5%,提高2.3個(gè)百分點(diǎn),使他的勝選概率從49.5%下滑到34.7%,下降了14.8個(gè)百分點(diǎn)。

他的落后差距每擴(kuò)大1個(gè)百分點(diǎn),勝選概率就會下降6.4個(gè)百分點(diǎn)。

同樣,在隨后8天,他的民調(diào)支持率差距從5%到3.9%縮小了略超過1個(gè)百分點(diǎn),使他的勝選概率從34.7%上升到40.3%,提高了5.6個(gè)百分點(diǎn)。

所以,特朗普在搖擺州的民調(diào)支持率落后差距每縮小1個(gè)百分點(diǎn),勝選概率就會提高約6個(gè)百分點(diǎn)。

縮小差距

現(xiàn)在,特朗普成功連任的概率為40%左右。

按照我們的公式,他如果想要在投注網(wǎng)站上領(lǐng)先拜登,就需要將勝選概率提高10個(gè)百分點(diǎn)以上,這需要他將拜登在民調(diào)上的領(lǐng)先優(yōu)勢縮小約1.6個(gè)百分點(diǎn),將落后差距從3.9個(gè)百分點(diǎn)縮小到2.3個(gè)百分點(diǎn)。

值得注意的是,在9月1日,特朗普與拜登在民調(diào)支持率上的最小差距為2.7個(gè)百分點(diǎn),當(dāng)時(shí)他的勝選概率幾乎追平拜登。

特朗普需要在選舉日之前將差距縮小到2.5個(gè)百分點(diǎn)左右,才能夠險(xiǎn)勝拜登。前提是投注者是正確的。

當(dāng)然,將落后差距縮小到2.5個(gè)百分點(diǎn)依舊假設(shè)為民意調(diào)查并不準(zhǔn)確,而且有數(shù)以百萬計(jì)的選民仍然對自己的真實(shí)想法感到難為情,不愿意把他們支持特朗普的立場告訴鄰居和民意調(diào)查機(jī)構(gòu)。

內(nèi)特?希爾沃的FiveThirtyEight和《經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)人》這兩家頗具威望的預(yù)測機(jī)構(gòu)都認(rèn)為,拜登的勝選概率在80%以上,而投注網(wǎng)站上的賭客目前嚴(yán)重高估了特朗普日漸渺茫的成功機(jī)會。

PredictIt顯示,特朗普最近在多個(gè)州的賠率有所上升。

在佛羅里達(dá)州,他重新取得了10月1日失去的領(lǐng)先優(yōu)勢;在北卡羅來納州,雖然拜登的民調(diào)支持率領(lǐng)先2%,但兩人的賠率已經(jīng)變成了1比1;在俄亥俄州,最近賠率上升使特朗普在PredictIt期貨市場中遙遙領(lǐng)先;此外他在亞利桑那州和威斯康辛州的落后差距也在不斷縮小。

然而,PredictIt上的投注者依舊認(rèn)為特朗普只有35%的勝選概率,這在最近幾周一直沒有太大變化。這比RealClear Politics得出的他的勝選概率低了幾個(gè)百分點(diǎn)。

對于那些投入真金白銀的人,我們還是應(yīng)該信任他們的判斷。

事實(shí)上,只有賠率制定者才可以判定誰的猜測更準(zhǔn)確——是那些賭客還是希爾沃和《經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)人》等專家。

我認(rèn)同賭客的觀點(diǎn)。他們依舊認(rèn)為特朗普的勝選概率遠(yuǎn)低于50比50。他們認(rèn)為,只要特朗普能夠縮小與拜登的差距,就有可能繼續(xù)留在白宮,盡管希望渺茫。(財(cái)富中文網(wǎng))

翻譯:劉進(jìn)龍

審校:汪皓

編輯:徐曉彤

It's gospel among Trump supporters that public polls systematically understate the millions of Americans who will vote for the President on Nov. 3. If that's the case, then the probability President Trump will prevail should advance to 50-50, or even show him in the lead, if he's still trailing but pulls within a couple of points of Joe Biden.

One way to test the "if Trump gets close he wins" hypothesis is to examine whether the odds on political betting sites do indeed rate the contest a toss-up when Trump goes from lagging by a furlong to within a few meters, turning what looks like a romp into a horse race. That data could provide a guide to how much of the current gap the President must close to get a good shot at victory on Nov. 3.

The odds offered on the betting sites are arguably the best guide to handicapping the outcome. That's because those odds are set by people putting "skin in the game" by risking their own money—including professional political gamblers who carefully study voting patterns and shifts in momentum. There's no better estimate of Notre Dame's or the Dallas Cowboys' chances of beating a point spread than the odds posted at the casinos or online digital sports betting venues. The gamblers can be wrong in presidential elections, as in 2016, but in general, the dollars shifting from blue to red and back should be an excellent bellwether for where voters are headed.

Gambling on U.S. elections is mostly banned stateside. The only major site approved to run a political futures market in the U.S. is PredictIt. But sundry online gambling sites in Europe are offering lines on the contest for the White House. They include Betfair, Bovada, Smarkets, and Spreadex, all of the U.K.; bwin of Austria, Betsson of Sweden, and Unibet of Austria. In recent weeks, the action's been terrific. Paul Krishnamurty, a professional gambler and freelance writer who pens insightful analysis on presidential gaming, notes in a recent post that Betfair saw over $25 million wagered on U.S. elections the week ended Oct. 16, equivalent to 15% of the total placed over the past four years.

RealClear Politics publishes a daily average of nine of the latest postings from the major sites. (PredictIt isn't included in that measure; more on that shortly.) For this analysis, I'm using that data alongside the RealClear Politics average of polls for the five swing states that most experts reckon will decide the election: Pennsylvania, Florida, Wisconsin, North Carolina, and Arizona. So let's look at how our leading indicator—those betting odds—have moved as Trump's poll numbers have waxed and waned, and what that tells us about the gap he must shrink to stand a chance on Election Day.

Ups and downs

From July 21 to Aug. 23, Biden led Trump by substantial margins of between 4 and 6 points in the swing states. Trump's odds of victory, as shown on the betting sites, toggled between 36.1% and 43.4%. In other words, the President looked like a loser, as he trailed Biden's odds by at least 16 percentage points during that monthlong interlude. But starting the last week in August, Trump went on a tear. The virtual Republican convention hosted from Aug. 24 to 27 appeared to give Trump a big boost. By Aug. 29, he'd narrowed Biden's lead from 4 points two weeks before to 2.7, and he clung that close through Sept. 1. On that date, Trump posted his best odds of the entire election cycle, as measured by betting sites, hitting 49.5% and pulling within 0.5% of the former vice president.

The bump was short-lived. By Sept. 10, Biden had regained a 3.9-point edge in the polls, and he maintained a lead in the high-3s and 4s before peaking at a 5-point advantage on Oct. 11. The rise in Trump's polling deficit from 2.7 to 5 points mirrored a steep drop in his odds, which cratered from the 49.5% summit at the start of September to 34.7%. That made Biden a two-to-one favorite to take the White House.

The road to the White House took still another surprise turn on Oct. 12. Trump emerged from his bout with COVID sporting an air of triumph and jumped back on the campaign trail, hosting a raucous rally that evening in Stanford, Fla. The sight of the President healthy and recharged for combat gave his poll numbers their second big lift in seven weeks. By Oct. 19, Trump had cut Biden's swing-state lead from 5 points to 3.9. Trump's odds followed his polls, jumping from the late Oct. 11 near-low of 34.7%, to 40.3%. (They shrank to 38.7% the next day, but the polling gap held at 3.9%.)

It's perhaps prophetic that Trump's ups and down in the polls appear to trigger more or less predictable gains and losses in his odds. The rise in his polling gap of 2.3 points, from 2.7% to 5%, between Sept. 1 and Oct. 11 caused his odds to retreat from 49.5% to 34.7%, or 14.8 points. For every 1 point his deficit grew, his odds dropped by 6.4 points. Similarly, his just-over-1-point move from a 5% to 3.9% deficit in the following eight days brought a rise in his betting line from 34.7% to 40.3%, or 5.6 points. So it's likely that a 1-point shrinkage in Trump's swing-state polling gap increases his probability of winning around 6 points.

Shrinking the edge

Trump's odds of clinching reelection now stand at around 40%. By our formula, to gain the extra 10-plus points needed to take the lead on the betting sites, he would need to shrink Biden's edge at the polls by around 1.6 points, taking him from 3.9 to 2.3 points behind. Keep in mind that on Sept. 1, Trump's odds trailed Biden's by just a hair when he lagged by his best reading ever of 2.7 points. It would appear that Trump needs to pull within the mid-2s by Election Day to pass Biden and win by a nose. That is, if the bettors are right.

Of course, squeezing the gap to 2.5 points still assumes that the polls are way off, and that millions of voters are still too embarrassed to tell neighbors and pollsters they're for Trump. Two highly respected prognosticators, Nate Silver's FiveThirtyEight and The Economist, put Biden's likelihood of victory at 80%-plus, and they reckon that the gamblers on the betting sites are now far overestimating Trump's fast-fading chances.

The odds on PredictIt show that Trump has gained recently in several states. He's regained the lead in Florida that he lost on Oct. 1, and North Carolina has moved to even money despite a 2% Biden lead in the polls. A recent jump has given the President a commanding lead in PredictIt's futures market in Ohio, and his deficits are narrowing in Arizona and Wisconsin. Nevertheless, those wagering on PredictIt still give Trump just a 35% probability of winning, little changed in recent weeks. That's several points below his standing in the RealClear Politics readings.

Still, you need to give a lot of credence to folks who put their money on the line. In fact, you've got to be an oddsmaker to decide who's closer, the bettors or the experts like Silver and The Economist. My vote's with the gamblers—who still give Trump a far less than 50-50 chance of winning. They just think getting close, though even that's a long shot, may be enough to keep Trump in the White House.

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