????穆阿邁爾?卡扎菲之死令利比亞成為全球焦點(diǎn)，所有人都在問這個深陷戰(zhàn)亂的國家下一步路在何方。對于美國國務(wù)院（the State Department）而言，美國國務(wù)卿希拉里?克林頓提出的所謂“經(jīng)濟(jì)戰(zhàn)略”的新外交政策將面臨初步檢驗(yàn)——新的外交政策進(jìn)一步向決定世界格局的經(jīng)濟(jì)因素傾斜。10月14日，希拉里在紐約經(jīng)濟(jì)俱樂部（Economic Club of New York）的一次演講中提出了這項(xiàng)戰(zhàn)略。

????為了進(jìn)一步了解這項(xiàng)計(jì)劃，《財(cái)富》雜志（Fortune）采訪了上周隨同希拉里出訪利比亞、阿富汗和巴基斯坦的美國國務(wù)院政策規(guī)劃處主任杰克?蘇利文。蘇利文先在喀布爾接受了我們的電話采訪，隨后又在伊斯蘭堡回復(fù)了我們的電子郵件。

????在美國幫助利比亞重建的過程中，這一戰(zhàn)略將如何發(fā)揮作用？

????我們剛剛結(jié)束了北約（NATO）在利比亞的行動，期間我們不僅使用了傳統(tǒng)的政治和軍事手段，還使用了經(jīng)濟(jì)手段，實(shí)施制裁、凍結(jié)數(shù)百億美元的資產(chǎn)并建立了臨時(shí)的金融機(jī)制幫助反抗者提供給利比亞人民。正是這些手段的有效組合幫助利比亞實(shí)現(xiàn)了解放。現(xiàn)在，我們需要繼續(xù)根據(jù)利比亞的具體情況提供量身打造的、類似的綜合性幫助。我們需要幫助利比亞重建并實(shí)現(xiàn)經(jīng)濟(jì)增長，滿足人們對于機(jī)會和尊嚴(yán)的渴求，當(dāng)初正是這種渴求促使利比亞反抗者走上了街頭。要在當(dāng)今世界環(huán)境下做到行之有效，我們需要在做出軍事和政治努力的同時(shí)使用經(jīng)濟(jì)手段。

????為何現(xiàn)在推出新策略？

????這個問題從一開始就是（國務(wù)卿希拉里）關(guān)注的焦點(diǎn)。過去一年中東、歐洲和世界其他地區(qū)發(fā)生的事件則直接促成了這項(xiàng)戰(zhàn)略的提出。她在全球各地訪問的過程中，親身感受到了經(jīng)濟(jì)力量在衡量各國國力和影響力方面的核心地位。正如她在演講中所說，我們看到新興勢力的影響力上升更多是源于經(jīng)濟(jì)增長，而非軍事力量的增強(qiáng)。而且，我們看到很多國家將國內(nèi)經(jīng)濟(jì)增長和國外經(jīng)濟(jì)影響力作為外交政策的核心原則。國務(wù)卿認(rèn)為這一點(diǎn)隨處可見，從中國在撒哈拉以南非洲地區(qū)的基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施項(xiàng)目到土耳其在中東各地的投資項(xiàng)目上都有體現(xiàn)。

????同時(shí)，國務(wù)卿希拉里還將經(jīng)濟(jì)戰(zhàn)略視為其政治財(cái)富的重要組成部分。不是因?yàn)檫@是新的理念，但從某種程度來看，這部分內(nèi)容最近變得重要了。

????你能舉個具體的例子嗎？

????每次我們在亞洲訪問時(shí)，美國的經(jīng)濟(jì)承諾都是國務(wù)卿所會見的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人和各界人士最為關(guān)注的問題。同樣受到關(guān)注的還有美國國內(nèi)的經(jīng)濟(jì)狀況。他們詢問有關(guān)貿(mào)易協(xié)定、亞太經(jīng)合組織（APEC）議程以及美國在幫助亞太地區(qū)建立和維護(hù)經(jīng)濟(jì)秩序中將扮演的角色。他們還詢問美國國內(nèi)的立法爭議，比如負(fù)債上限等問題。根本問題是，他們想確認(rèn)一點(diǎn)，即美國不只是長期發(fā)揮軍事和外交影響——還將展現(xiàn)其經(jīng)濟(jì)影響力。

????國務(wù)卿在演講中敦促，要求取得更多經(jīng)濟(jì)外交成果。你們打算怎么做？

????比如，國務(wù)卿希拉里將要求駐外大使館搜集具體的非關(guān)稅性壁壘——她將這些稱作“國境線后的壁壘”——我們會選取三、四個壁壘，通過有組織的外交策略，為美國企業(yè)爭取公平的競爭環(huán)境。以此實(shí)踐這一理念。

????另一個明確的計(jì)劃是國務(wù)卿希拉里計(jì)劃召集全球各地的美國商會（American Chamber of commerce）負(fù)責(zé)人同我們的地區(qū)專家和國務(wù)院領(lǐng)導(dǎo)層共同討論，如何像其其他國家一樣，確保政府和美國商會的工作協(xié)調(diào)一致。

????此外，我們可以志同道合的國家展開形式多樣、范圍廣泛的合作，針對世貿(mào)組織（WTO）現(xiàn)有協(xié)議尚未涵蓋、全球競爭領(lǐng)域存在的挑戰(zhàn)建立一系列規(guī)范——處理需要新規(guī)則和新機(jī)制來規(guī)范的國際活動。

????這是不是說世貿(mào)組織缺乏約束力，我們需要另辟蹊徑？

????The death of Muammar Gaddafi has international attention fixed on Libya and the world asking what's next for the troubled country. For the State Department, it will be an early test of a new diplomacy that Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has termed "economic statecraft" -- an approach that gives more weight to the economic factors shaping world events. Clinton laid out the strategy in a speech to the Economic Club of New York last Friday.

????To get a better understanding of the initiative, Fortune talked to Jake Sullivan, director of the State Department's policy planning office, who is travelling with Clinton this week through Libya, Afghanistan and Pakistan. Sullivan talked to us first by phone from Kabul, then over email from Islamabad.

????How will we see this approach at work as the U.S. helps Libya rebuild?

????We have just finished a NATO operation in Libya where we applied traditional political and military tools -- but also economic tools, imposing sanctions, freezing tens of billions of dollars of assets, and setting up a temporary financial mechanism to help the rebels provide for the Libyan people. It was this effective combination of tools that helped liberate Libya. Now we need to follow up with a similar coalition effort tailored to Libya's unique context. We need to help Libya rebuild and grow to satisfy the desire for opportunity and dignity that brought the people out into the streets in the first place. To be effective in today's world, we need to use economic tools alongside our military and political efforts.

????Why are you rolling this out now?

????This has been a focus of [Secretary Clinton's] from the beginning, but the events of the past year -- in the Middle East, in Europe, and elsewhere -- have really brought it home. In her travels, she has seen first-hand the centrality of economic power in how states measure and exercise influence around the world. As she said in her speech, we see emerging powers gaining influence less because of the strength of their armies than because of the growth of their economies. And we?see countries making economic growth at home and economic influence abroad organizing principles of their foreign policy. She sees this everywhere -- from Chinese infrastructure projects in sub-Saharan Africa to Turkey's investments across the Middle East.

????Also, as Secretary Clinton looks to her legacy, she sees economic statecraft as an important piece of it. Not because it's new, but because it is in some ways newly important.

????Can you point to a specific example?

????Whenever we travel in Asia, America's economic engagement is top of mind for the leaders and people the Secretary meets. So too is the state of our economy at home. They ask about trade agreements, about the APEC agenda, about the role America will play in helping shape and sustain the economic rules of the road for the Asia-Pacific region. They also ask about our legislative debates, on issues like the debt ceiling. Ultimately, they want reassurance that the United States will not just be a resident military and diplomatic power -- but a resident economic power as well.

????The Secretary in her speech called for a more economically literate diplomatic corps. What are you doing to foster that?

????Just as one example: Secretary Clinton is putting a call out to embassies to identify specific, non-tariff barriers -- what she calls "barriers behind borders" -- and then we intend to target three or four as models for concerted diplomatic strategies to level the playing field for our companies -- a proof-of-concept kind of approach.

????Another concrete example is Secretary Clinton's plan to gather the heads of every American Chamber of commerce around the world to talk with our regional experts and the State Department's leadership about government can align our efforts with American Chambers of Commerce just as many other countries do.

????And then there are the wide variety of ways that we engage with like-minded countries to begin to build a set of norms around challenges to global competition that right now aren't covered under the WTO -- to address the types of activities that require new rules and new mechanisms.

????Is the idea here that the WTO has shown a lack of force, and we need to forge some work-arounds?