????7月7日，約10萬民眾沿著墨西哥城主干道改革大道游行，并來到市中心廣場，在150英尺高的獨立天使紀念碑前舉行抗議集會。人們高呼：“公民們，聽著！這是你們的戰爭！”一份抗議海報上寫著：“治理國家不是拍電視?！彪m然墨西哥大選已經落幕，但自從7月1日計票之后的幾周，示威者便開始走上街頭進行抗議。他們對恩里克?培尼亞?涅托獲得大選勝利憤怒不已，這位極端但卻非常上鏡的候選人在競選中只喊出了一些“你們將得到更多！”之類的簡單口號。

????游行隊伍經過墨西哥城市中心標志性的Museo de Bellas Artes博物館時，大學剛畢業的卡洛琳娜?雷耶斯解釋說：“我認為，培尼亞?涅托在媒體宣傳方面存在舞弊行為?！彼嬃艘粋€電視機屏幕，上面是修改過的Televisa公司標識，在上面涂的是代表培尼亞?涅托所在政黨的紅色、白色與綠色。該政黨是一架在墨西哥具有悠久歷史和曲折經歷的政治機器。從標識中央的裂縫中，一只暴龍的頭伸了出來，警告人們陳舊腐敗的政治“暴龍”重新掌握了權力?？辶漳戎車娜巳焊吆簦骸拔璞祝∥璞?！舞弊！”，圍觀的人群紛紛用手機拍攝她將電視道具高高舉過頭頂的畫面。大部分抗議者都是左翼候選人安德烈斯?曼紐爾?洛佩茲?奧夫拉多爾（AMLO）的支持者，墨西哥最大的傳媒公司Televisa對該國政治話語權的影響力令他們感到非常失望。他們不希望看到，墨西哥大選完全按照Televisa的腳本進行。

????墨西哥許多接受過教育、并且擅長使用高科技的城市年輕人，在Youtube和Twitter上關注著墨西哥大選的整個過程，并表達了對大選的不滿。他們認為，Televisa的規模太過龐大，或許對墨西哥沒有好處。電視業巨頭Televisa制作了許多在墨西哥大受歡迎的肥皂劇。Televisa控制著墨西哥廣播電視市場70%的份額，該公司的節目覆蓋了墨西哥95%的家庭。有線電視或者互聯網等平臺可以為用戶提供海量的選擇，而墨西哥的廣播電視網絡的觀眾卻無從選擇。觀眾們認為平臺上播放的新聞報道帶有政治傾向性，令人非常失望。尤其是在有線電視和互聯網普及有限的墨西哥，廣播電視至關重要。目前，墨西哥僅有兩家全國性廣播電視頻帶。墨西哥城著名調查機構CIDE的政治經濟學教授賈維爾?阿帕里西奧解釋道，他“主要擔心墨西哥媒體行業過度集中，”他補充說：“Televisa對墨西哥選舉的影響非常顯著。”

????年輕一代政治抗議者（以及Televisa股東）當下關注的問題是，墨西哥下一屆政府會如何處理Televisa的市場支配地位和影響力。2012年選舉周期內，Tleevisa的新聞報道引起公眾強烈不滿，可能促使墨西哥政府授權其他公司建立新的電視網絡，進而增加電視新聞領域的競爭。美國智囊機構外交關系委員會（Council on Foreign Relations）的墨西哥專家莎倫?奧尼爾認為，在競選過程中，培尼亞?涅托和他的顧問團隊曾經保證，將開放墨西哥較為集中的經濟部門，其中最為顯著的就是電視行業。培尼亞曾承諾，若抗議與示威活動繼續下去，他將提高多個經濟部門的競爭。他所領導的政府甚至可能被迫瓦解Televisa對廣播電視市場的壟斷地位。若發生這種情況，Televisa將失去很大一部分廣播廣告收入。目前，墨西哥公司的廣播廣告開支為28億美元。于是Televisa決定賭一把，希望幫助培尼亞?涅托獲勝之后，他領導的政府不會拿Televisa在廣播電視行業的壟斷地位開刀。阿帕里西奧解釋道：“他們希望保住其市場份額，不希望政府批準成立新電視臺?！盩elevisa的賭注能否得到回報？目前，整個墨西哥都在翹首以待。

????Televisa發現，支持培尼亞?涅托讓自己陷入了一場激烈的公開辯論。而辯論的對象便是培尼亞?涅托所在的革命制度黨（Institutional Revolutionary Party或PRI），以及該政黨與由其幫助建立的商業寡頭之間長久以來的關系。畢竟，培尼亞?涅托的勝利代表革命制度黨重返政治核心。革命制度黨以鎮壓異議而著名，在墨西哥成立了大批壟斷企業，并在二十世紀后半葉確立了墨西哥的現代經濟格局。在此期間，Televisa公司現任CEO的父親艾米里奧?阿茲卡拉賈對于公司與執政黨的密切關系，毫不避諱。他甚至曾經稱自己是“革命制度黨的忠誠衛士?！?/p>

????On July 7, nearly 100,000 people forced their way down Reforma,one of Mexico City's main avenues, gathering in front of the Angel of Independence, a 150-foot-tall monumentin a plaza in the city center. "People, Listen! This is your fight!" they chanted. "Governing a country is not [the same as] making a telenovela," one of the protest posters announced. Mexico's election is over, but in the weeks following the July 1 ballot count, demonstrators have takento the streets. They are angry about the victory of Enrique Pe?a Nieto, a polarizing but telegenic candidate who ran a campaign based on simple slogans such as "You'll Earn More!"

????As the demonstration passed by Museo de Bellas Artes, an iconic museum in downtown Mexico City, Carolina Reyes, a recent college graduate, explained "I think there was fraud in the promotion [of Pe?a Nieto] in the media." She had painted the front of a model TV screen to show a modified version of the Televisa logo, re-done in the red, white, and green colors of Pe?a Nieto's party, a political machine with a long and checkered history in Mexico. A plastic tyrannosaurus rex toy poked its head out through a rip in the center of the logo, a warning about the return of old, corrupt, political "dinosaurs" to power. "Fraud! Fraud! Fraud!" the crowd around Carolina chanted, as onlookers stopped to use their cell phones to snap photos as she held her TV prop over her head. The protesters, the majority of whom supported Andres Manuel Lopez Obredor (AMLO), a leftist candidate, are frustrated with the influence of Televisa (TV), Mexico's most important media company, in their country's political discourse. They don't want to see Televisa write the script for their country's elections.

????Many members of Mexico's urban, educated, tech savvy youth, who watched and criticized the campaigns via Youtube and Twitter, think that Televisa, a TV conglomerate that produces many of the country's most popular telenovelas, may be too big for the country's good.Televisa controls 70% of the broadcast television market, and its broadcasts reach 95% of all homes in Mexico. Unlike cable TV or the Internet -- platforms that offer a plethora of options -- viewers frustrated with the perceived political slant of news coverage on Mexico's broadcast TV networks have few alternatives. Especially in Mexico, a country with limited cable and Internet penetration, broadcast TV plays a central role. Right now the country has only two nationally broadcast TV channels. Javier Aparicio, a political economy professor at CIDE, a prestigious research institute in Mexico City, explained that his "main concern is the concentration of the media industry in Mexico." He added, "Televisa has an important influence in campaigns in national elections."

????The question for the new generation of political protesters (as well as Televisa shareholders) is what Mexico's next government will do about Televisa's dominant position and influence. Public discontent with Televisa's news broadcasts in the 2012 election cycle could push Mexico's government to increase competition in TV news by granting another company a license to start a new network. Shannon O'Neil, a Mexico expert from the Council on Foreign Relations, a think-tank, explained that Pe?a Nieto and his advisors "talked at times on the campaign trail about opening up the concentrated economic sectors in the economy -- televised media being one of the most prominent examples." Pe?a Nieto has promised to boost competition in many sectors of the economy if the protests and public demonstrations continue. His government may also face pressure to break up Televisa's hold on the broadcast TV market. If this happens, Televisa could lose a sizable chunk of its share of the $2.8 billion that companies in the country spend on broadcast advertising. Televisa gambled that in helping Pe?a Nieto win, it could discourage his administration from breaking its hold on the broadcast television sector. "They want to maintain their market share, they don't want new TV stations approved," Aparicio explained. Mexico is now waiting to see if Televisa's bet will pay off.

????In supporting Pe?a Nieto, Televisa has found itself pulled into a critical public debate in Mexico about Pe?a Nieto's Institutional Revolutionary Party, or PRI, and its longstanding ties to the country's business oligopoly, an elite group it helped create. After all, Pe?a Nieto's victory marks the return of the PRI, a political organization that earned a reputation for stifling dissent and helping to create monopolies and form Mexico's modern economy during the second half of the twentieth century. During those years, Emilio Azcarraga, the father of the company's current CEO never hesitated to explain his close relationship with the ruling party. He once called himself a "soldier of the PRI."